——— FINANCIAL POLICY FORUM ———
DERIVATIVES STUDY CENTER
www.financialpolicy.org 1660
L Street, NW, Suite 1200
rdodd@financialpolicy.org Washington,
D.C. 20036
In
The News
2001
§ Links Between Terrorism and Charities
Voice of America, December 6, 2001
§ ICE Benefits From Enron Concerns, Reports Surge in Trading Volumes
The Oil Daily, 11/14/2001
§ Jitters Over Squeeze at Enron Rippling Through Gas Trading
Natural Gas Week, 11/12/2001
MSNBC, 10/10/2001
WAMU – American University Radio, 09/28/2001
§ Federal Securities Agency Hot on Trail of Possibly Attack-Related Profits
Knight-Ridder Tribune Business News, 09/26/2001
§ If terrorists manipulated markets, money may be gone
Miami Herald, 09/26/2001
§ Watchdogs probe unusually high volumes of pre-attack trades on hotel, airlines stocks
MSNBC, 09/26/2001
The San Francisco Chronicle, 09/25/2001
§ Frozen Assets: The Financial Battle Begins
WBUR – Boston University Radio and National Public Radio, 09/24/2001
§ THE ECONOMIC INITIATIVE: A Cautious Start for Stimulus
Congressional Quarterly Weekly, 09/22/2001
§ Terrorists may have attempted to profit from a drop in airline stocks after the four hijackings
CBS News: Morning News, 09/20/2001
§ Eye on America: Evidence of Insider Trading on Stock Market Before Terror Strikes
CBS News: Evening News with Dan Rather, 09/19/2001
§ Washington Wants to Trim Capital Gains Tax to Spur Growth. Experts Say It Won't Work
ABCNEWS.COM, 09/11/2001
CNNfn: Moneyline News Hour, 09/10/2001
§ Tax rebates expected to provide only a tiny boost to the economy
Boston Globe, 07/29/2001
The Baltimore Sun, 07/22/2001
§ Linking Middle East stock markets to the Nasdaq could be a money-maker for investors everywhere.
AME Info fn, March 31, 2001
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, 02/25/2001
§ The Puppet Master: Greenspan deserves to get blame as well as credit for changes in economy.
The Dallas Morning News, 02/18/2001
§ Greenspan Is Taking Us Down With Him
Newsday.com, 02/14/2001
§ Immediate stimulus is missing
St Paul Pioneer Press, 02/13/2001
§ BAD TIMING Bush tax cut is far too small upfront and far too large in later years
Charleston Gazette, 02/04/2001
§ Surprise! Federal Reserve acts early. Business, consumers to benefit from rate cut
The Cincinnati Enquire, 01/04/2001
Linda Cashdan
Washington
6 Dec 2001 18:18 UTC
VOA news.com – Broadcast Transcript
In the
effort against terrorism, President Bush froze the assets of the Holy Land Foundation
this week, accusing the U.S. Islamic charity of funding the Palestinian
extremist group, Hamas. Analysts say the link between charities and terrorist
groups is common.
International
money laundering expert Jonathan Winer says it has long been the strategy of
extremists to channel money raised for humanitarian purposes into terrorist
activities.
He says
the Nazis built their organization in the 1930's on international money donated
to feed the hungry. He points to Chechnya and Kosovo as more recent examples.
"Affluent Muslims all over the world were giving money for those
causes," he said. "A lot of that money went to charitable
reconstruction, but a lot of that money also went for military resistance, and
there were terrorists who were recruited out of Chechnya and Kosovo and a lot
of that was funded by charitable donations. That is a terrible problem that
governments all over the world have to confront."
Economist
Randall Dodd, another money laundering expert, says in the Middle East, where there
is no tradition of transparency, it is especially difficult to trace where
charitable funds go.
Further
compounding the problem, he says, is the fact that terrorists use charitable
acts to endear themselves to the local population. "If you went over to
Israel/Palestine right now, you would see that the reason Hamas is so powerful
is that they are a charitable organization that runs schools and
hospitals," he said. "It is sort of the [equivalent of the U.S.]
'faith based initiative' over there. Part of them, though, engage in violent
activity."
Mr.
Winer points to Northern Ireland as another example. He says the British
government complained for years that money raised by Irish Catholics in the
United States was supporting acts of terrorism by the Irish Republican Army, or
IRA. "We made such terrorist fundraising in the United States illegal, and
the fundraising for the IRA has been substantially tanked down as a
result," said jonathan Winer. "Anyone who is giving funds to an
organization it has reason to believe is funding terrorism is potentially at
risk for violating U.S. terrorist finance laws. That was true before September
11 and that is true today."
At a time when so much attention is being given to illicit acts, Mr. Winer says, it is important to stress that most charities use all their donations to fund humanitarian activities. Those who support terrorism, he says, are in the minority.
November 14, 2001
Jeff Gosmano, Andrew Ware.
The Oil Daily
The IntercontinentalExchange (ICE), an electronic trading platform set up by big energy companies, has witnessed a surge in activity as rival exchanges face problems.
Last week, as rumors swirled about the future of energy services giant Enron, many energy traders abandoned EnronOnline for what they said was a more stable business at ICE.
"There has been a clear shift of energy and metal trading activity during October into ICE markets," ICE Chief Executive Jeffrey Sprecher said in a statement Tuesday. "We believe that this has resulted, in part, from the uncertainty that has been exhibited in several key energy trading venues over the past several months."
As well as the turmoil at Enron, ICE has likely benefited from the temporary closure and subsequent disruptions at the New York Mercantile Exchange (Nymex) following the Sep. 11 attacks.
The surge continued into November. Last week, trading volumes in crude oil and products on ICE averaged 11 million barrels per day, a 45% increase over the October daily average.
North American gas volumes last week hit 950 billion cubic feet, up 13% over the previous month's weekly average. In North American power, daily trading volumes surged to nearly 11 million megawatt hours, a 34% increase over the October average.
ICE was founded last year by oil majors BP, Royal Dutch/Shell, and Total Fina Elf, four international banks, and six top North American gas and power trading firms. The electronic exchange is currently installed on about 7,000 desktops at more than 400 trading firms.
Volumes on EnronOnline were down late last week, confirmed company spokesman Eric Thode. "We saw some minor decreases Thursday and Friday. The uncertainty related to the merger had some impact on volumes," he said. Some reports had volumes on
EnronOnline down by about 20% late last week.
Now that Enron's combination with rival Dynegy has been announced, Thode said, the value of trades completed on EnronOnline has returned to a more normal average of $2.6 billion per day.
The "Enron effect" has not been confined to ICE, however.
Since word emerged of Enron's credit problems, open interest has dried up in Henry Hub futures contracts on Nymex.
On Oct. 25, when Enron said it was drawing down $1 billion on available credit lines and seeking more cash to avoid a liquidity crunch, open interest in Nymex Henry Hub contracts peaked that day, then fell 12% over the next four trading days.
According to the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), commercial long and short positions dropped by 65,429 and 56,195 contracts, respectively, over the Oct. 30 trading week. Open interest in the full Nymex Henry Hub strip dropped by 64,095, to 457,990 contracts.
The bleeding continued last week. The CFTC said Friday that open interest fell by a further 10,662 contracts to 447,328 through Nov. 6.
One explanation for this contraction in open interest was that Enron was unwinding positions to boost cash on hand. The one-to-many brokering structure of the company's EnronOnline platform makes liquidity particularly critical, said analysts.
"It's an effect that they
are a dealer that creates all the counterparty credit exposure," said Randall
Dodd, director of the Derivatives Study Center at the Washington, D.C.-based
Economic Strategy Institute. "If they're the dealer then they are the
liquidity."
If Enron were net short on Nymex and began unwinding contracts, the effect would be to spark a price rally as those shorts were covered. A rally is precisely what transpired. To the surprise of many market watchers, the front-month November Henry Hub futures contract shot up nearly 20% over the span of a week, from $2.68/million Btu on Oct. 23 to $3.20 on Oct. 29, when it went off the board.
November 12, 2001
Andrew Ware, Michael Sultan
Natural Gas Week
It's hard to imagine that when a giant player like Enron gets sick, a few others in the industry wouldn't also catch a cold. While many energy merchants have assured publicly that Enron's travails are not affecting their trading operations, the evidence suggests business is not usual in the energy patch.
Since word leaked of Enron's credit problems, open interest has dried up in Henry Hub futures contracts on the New York Mercantile Exchange (Nymex). A case can be made that this pullout sparked the technical surge in late-October natural gas prices.
Furthermore, some counterparties are rumored to want to liquidate open positions with Enron, but are being outright refused, or facing delays.
Whether gas prices ultimately rise or fall from this behind-the-scenes shuffling is unknown, but derivatives analysts agree that the "Enron effect" will result in more volatile commodity trading, with the danger particularly acute in the case of a commodity downswing.
It didn't take natural gas markets long to react to Enron's problems. Word leaked on Oct. 25 that Enron was drawing down $1 billion on available credit lines and seeking more cash to avoid a liquidity crunch. Open interest in the Nymex Henry Hub peaked that day, then fell off a cliff, down 12% over the next four trading days (see graph).
According to the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), commercial long and short positions dropped by 65,429 and 56,195 contracts, respectively, over the Oct. 30 trading week. Open interest in the full Nymex Henry Hub strip dropped by 64,095, to 457,990 contracts.
The bleeding continued last week. CFTC Friday said open interest fell a further 10,662 to 447,328 contracts through Nov. 6.
There are two explanations for this contraction in open interest. The most obvious is that Enron itself is unwinding positions to boost cash on hand. The one-to-many brokering structure of Enron's EnronOnline platform makes liquidity particularly critical.
"It's an effect that they
are a dealer that creates all the counterparty credit exposure," said
Randall Dodd, director of the Derivatives Study Center at the Washington,
D.C.-based Economic Strategy Institute. "If they're the dealer then they
are the liquidity."
If Enron was net short on Nymex and began unwinding contracts, the effect would be to spark a price rally as these shorts were covered. And a price rally is precisely what transpired.
To the surprise of many market watchers, the front-month November contract shot up nearly 20% over the span of a week, from $2.68/MMBtu on Oct. 23 to $3.20 on Oct. 29, when it went off the board. Most November bid-week deals were indexed to this higher Nymex price. Storage levels were approaching record highs, and forecasts were uniformly calling for widespread warm weather through the first half of November.
Energy economist Philip Verleger was among the many analysts expecting gas prices to drop. "I've been following these things for a long time, and the oil statistics make a lot of sense and the gas statistics never seem to tell me a thing," he told Natural Gas Week. "I suspect that's because of Enron."
Whether Enron was net long or net short is not known. Verleger believes they were net short. "Presumably they've written a lot of puts to producers," he said, who wanted to hedge against lower gas prices. Enron would have to open corresponding short positions to balance these contracts.
The other explanation for the open interest drop is that jittery players are simply pulling out of the game. Apache is among the few companies that has admitted to this, unwinding options that it used to hedge past property acquisitions. It realized a net gain of $70 million from the transactions, Apache spokesman Bill Mintz said.
That a producer would be nervous holding open contracts with beleaguered Enron is understandable. Except none of the positions Apache liquidated were with Enron.
"We were worried about some credit risk and counterparty risk due to rippling effects from Enron," Mintz said. Apache had only one transaction outstanding with Enron. "We're still working on that one," he said.
Apache is not the only interest thinking along these lines. "You're hearing in the business guys trying to roll out of small positions directly with Enron and having a hard time making it happen. Or Enron is saying 'Well, we're not going to do this,'" said David Pursell of Houston-based Simmons & Co. "That is making a lot of people nervous."
"The concern in the market is that all roads lead to Enron," he added. "The threat of counterparty risk says I have a hedge in place, but ultimately if Enron is involved in that trade, maybe I won't get paid."
Risk of a Snowball Effect
No one knows how the "Enron effect" will play out in gas prices. But all agree that, by definition, less open interest in a commodity market means more price volatility.
Pursell said this risk will be particularly strong in ancillary markets. A trade point such as the Henry Hub has plenty of substitutes for Enron, but an emerging market, such as the Cheyenne Hub in the Rockies, will see more volatility.
Economist Verleger said there is the possibility that if gas prices start to drop this winter, momentum could snowball. Many producers locked in gas prices with Enron and other marketers when valuations were high. If prices drop beneath a certain floor, marketers will have to sell more contracts to cover the hedge. "It could start a virulent dynamic cycle down in prices," he said.
"I presume Enron intends to draw down its credit lines so it can open short futures positions if prices fall," Verleger wrote in a research note. "I also presume Enron will do everything in its power to keep prices up for the next six months to avoid having to make such sales."
Dodd of the Derivatives Study
Center is calling for more safeguards against "market externalities."
He pointed to Enron's troubles
with the Dabhol power plant. "Why should the failure of a water treatment
plant or a power plant in India cause US derivatives markets to become less
liquid?" Dodd asked.
Trading operations should be separately capitalized from other operations, he believes, "so that a failure of your other businesses doesn't drag down your trading operations and harm market liquidity."
He noted a parallel situation among banks, where banking functions are sealed off from other business because of the vital market role they play. "They have required that banks separately capitalize their securities operations and their banking operations, to avoid just this type of problem," he said.
Dodd is particularly peeved that
only Enron is privy to volume and open interest information on its trading
platform. "They should report on who has the large positions in the
market. They should conduct themselves like an exchange," he said.
"If this were the Nymex, none of these problems would be happening."
October 10, 2001
By Brock N. Meeks
MSNBC
WASHINGTON, Oct. 10 — The global battle to root out and cut off terrorism’s core financial network is a kind of pitched battle pitting enforcers against a long history of institutional banking secrecy, garden variety fraud and a virtually paperless underground banking system based on trust and religion that has endured for centuries.
“CURRENCY can be as lethal as a bullet,” Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill says in the blunt, no nonsense language fast becoming his Washington trademark. In order to “prevent future calamities” and human tragedy harvested on American soil, the U.S. must “hunt the financial benefactors and the willfully blind financial intermediaries that underwrite murder and mayhem,” O’Neill told a congressional committee last week.
President Bush has signed an executive order to ferret out and “prosecute the campaign” against the global financial terrorist networks, O’Neill said.
But experts say that campaign, much like the military action against terrorism, is a tedious and sometimes internecine endeavor of inter-agency turf battles and uncooperative foreign banking systems that have for decades existed solely to shield profits, illicit and otherwise, from the grasp of the law or tax authorities.
Countries with cloaked banking
systems will “have to respond to pressure,” brought by the U.S., said Randall
Dodd of the Washington-based Economic Strategy Institute and head of its
Derivatives Study Center, because the U.S. and other wealthy countries “will
make it in their interest to cooperate.”
Many of these countries are poor,
Dodd notes. “If you look at these tax haven countries they have about 1.5
percent of world’s population; about three percent of the world’s income but
30-some odd percent of the world’s assets,” he said.
CRIME PAYS
Profits from money laundering are staggering. The International Monetary Fund estimates that between $600 billion and $1.5 trillion or two-to-five percent of the world’s annual gross domestic product is laundered each year.
“Rich countries should be able to
work with [tax haven countries] and provide development assistance to offset
what they will lose by cracking down on these illegal activities,” Dodd said.
But Dodd and others pushing to
present a measured, sustainable alternative to these tax haven countries aren’t
being heard above the warp and woof of a country at war.
Last week the Senate Banking Committee approved a bill giving law enforcement agencies wide latitude in the fight against money laundering operations. The bill also gives the Treasury Department the authority to take action against uncooperative suspect foreign banks.
However, a measure pressed by Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., that would have forbid the Treasury Department from doing business with foreign banks that have secrecy laws forbidding them from helping with U.S. investigations, was withdrawn. The bill as written simply permits Treasury to stop dealing with such countries, which Schumer noted had little reason to exist beyond acting as a money laundering machine. Schumer said he would try again to have his proposal added to the bill when it reaches the Senate floor for a vote.
GLOBAL REACH
The U.S. also has brought international efforts to bear on the issue. According to the Treasury Department, 19 countries have already ordered banks to freeze assets of 27 groups and individuals they suspect of being connected to terrorists. Another dozen countries are taking “certain measures” to help track terrorist funding, according to the Treasury Department.
And long known as a sieve for dirty money, the European Union also is stepping up efforts to stem the flow of capital within terrorist linked networks. On September 21st, during an emergency meeting of EU officials, a decision was made to revamp out-dated banking rules to help choke off the illegal streams of money.
The U.S.-led Financial Action Task Force issued a list of non-cooperative countries and territories as standouts for potential banking problems. The list is surprising objective: The Cayman Islands and Russia but it also Israel and the Philippines.
Others on the 2000 list include: The Bahamas, Cook Islands, Dominica, Lebanon, Liechtenstein, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Niue, Panama, St. Kitts, Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines.
The Bahamas, Cayman Islands, Liechtenstein and Panama were removed from the list in June after the Treasury Department determined those countries had cleaned up their act. However, eight new countries were added to the list in June and September: Egypt, Grenada, Guatemala, Hungary, Indonesia, Myanmar, Nigeria and Ukraine.
CHARITABLE TERRORISM
“To cut the lifeblood of Osama Bin Laden and his terrorist group Al-Qaida, we must identify and take action against individuals and Islamic charitable organizations who contribute money to this organization,” James Gurule, Treasury Department Undersecretary for Enforcement, told Congress last week.
During the Afghan war against the Soviets, Arab countries used charities as fronts to funnel money and support to the Afghan rebels. Unsuspecting supporters of the Afghani struggle against the Soviets, contributing to Islamic run charities, were at times unwittingly contributing to gun running efforts from bases in Peshawar, Pakistan to the rebels fighting inside Afghanistan.
“Bin Laden learned how to co-opt charities during his time fighting with the Afghan Mujahedeen,” said an intelligence source. “And he’s been corrupting the goodwill of many Islamic charities for years,” the source said.
“Some Islamic charities have been penetrated, exploited and are now controlled by terrorists involved with Al-Qaida,” Gurule said. These charities operate globally with “multi-million dollar budgets at one end of the spectrum and small, tightly organized front cells at the other,” Gurule said.
It’s impossible for the average person wishing to contribute to ferret out the terrorist links. “They often adopt innocuous names and co-opt legitimate causes,” Gurule said. People giving to such groups “are defrauded and their funds end up diverted to finance terrorism,” he said.
But shutting down and “re-configuring” these organizations is a huge effort, Gurule said, “one which will require intense international coordination and cooperation.”
And the terrorists aren’t always so sophisticated, U.S. investigators said. Terrorists are known to run garden variety scams and frauds to cobble together the funds needed to carry out their efforts. Such frauds include identity theft, ATM theft and mob-style credit card “bust outs” in which stolen cards are maxed out before the credit company is able to deactivate the stolen accounts.
BANKING CULTURE WAR
A global underground banking system that operates off the books, with no paper records of deposit or receipt, is a main currency artery for terrorism, financial experts say.
The centuries old profession of underground or black-market banking is further confounded because many such bankers operate within the law, offering banking type services for religions that prohibit the accrual of interest.
Within the Arabic world the system is called “hawala” and financial investigators say it is a major tributary of bin Landen’s financial dealings.
Hawala, which means “trust,” operates on just that. Money is deposited with a Hawala banker in one country for the purposes of payment to another in a different country. A chit, or code, is given to the intended foreign recipient who then uses that to collect money from a local Hawala banker. The withdrawal is made despite the fact that no money was specifically deposited for the purpose.
The paying Hawala banker simply trusts that at some point a reciprocal “deposit” will be made from his side. Meanwhile, he may issue a chit to disperse money that his counterpart in the U.S. or other country must honor.
“These accounts can generate millions and sometimes billions of dollars in transactions within a given year,” said John Moynihan, a financial forensic technician in congressional testimony last week.
Moynihan said people from every nationality and geographical reference are involved in the practice. Those in North and South American call the underground banking system the “Black Market Peso Exchange,” Moynihan said. They operate on trust, he said.
“It is the number of persons willing to ride or engage in the system, that gives the system its value,” he said. Further complicating the investigation of the underground banking system is the fact that “much of the money transacted in the informal market was earned by legitimate means,” Moynihan said.
The banking bill approved by the Senate Finance Committee last week has a provision aimed directly at such underground banking systems, requiring them to report suspicious activity.
“It is unacceptable that a terrorist today can open the phone book in a number of American cities, find a hawala located in a legitimate business establishment, and walk out with thousands of dollars sent from Afghanistan — with no one to stop him and no record of the transaction,” said Sen. Evan Bayh, D-Ind., who drafted the provision in the banking bill.
But such a bill would only impact hawalas operating inside the U.S. The Middle East is rife with such networks. Worse: The so-called “hawala triangle” of India, Pakistan and Dubai are home to the most nefarious of underground banking channels.
Those countries are “responsible for significant international money laundering activities that go far beyond South Asia,” says a State Department report on money laundering activity. “While interdiction of non-bank money laundering systems, such as hawala, is difficult enough in itself, this difficulty is sometimes compounded by ineffective money laundering countermeasures in Dubai and the other Emirates,” the report says.
And still, even with pumped up laws and a more coherent global cooperation strategy, such efforts to cut off the financial oxygen that sustains terrorism comes down to a crapshoot.
“Of course, we cannot overestimate our chances of success,” said former Treasury Deputy Secretary Stuart E. Eizenstat in congressional testimony. “Financial data alone, no matter how good it is, rarely provides the archetypal ‘smoking gun’ in investigations,” Eizenstat said.
And even the significant amount of money it is estimated to have taken in order to pull off the Sept, 11 attacks “is never large enough even to cause a blip in the daily stream of international cross-border payments,” Eizenstat said.
September 28, 2001
WAMU – American University Radio
Over half a century ago, during World War II, War Bonds boosted both the US economy and the morale of the country. In the wake of September 11, some are suggesting special government bonds be reintroduced to help rebuild New York and finance our new war against terrorism. A look at the economic, political, and social impact of War Bonds.
Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY), United States Senate
Randall Dodd, Director of
Derivatives Study Center, Economic Strategy Institute; also Professor of
Economics, American University
John Steele Gordon, author The Business of America (Walker & Co.); columnist with American Heritage Magazine
Larry Samuel, author of Pledging Allegiance: American Identity and the Bond Drive of World War II (Smithsonian Institution Press
You can listen to the show by clicking on the following icon: http://www.wamu.org/ram/2001/p2010928.ram
Listen in RealAudio!
September 26, 2001
Mimi Whitefield
Knight-Ridder Tribune Business News
If terrorists or their associates tried to manipulate securities markets in the days before the Sept. 11 attacks and profited as stocks affected by the disaster plummeted, analysts say the money they made has probably already been moved out of the country.
The Securities and Exchange Commission is investigating whether some investors were aware of the attacks ahead of time and used that knowledge to profit in the stock options market, or by short-selling stocks -- selling borrowed shares and buying them back later at much lower prices.
The SEC declined to comment Tuesday on the progress of the investigation, referring to a statement issued last week that said: "We are vigorously pursuing all credible leads but, at this time, we have drawn no conclusion."
SEC Chairman Harvey I. Pitt is scheduled to testify before the House Financial Services Committee today, however, and may be questioned about links between those responsible for the terrorist attacks and securities market fluctuations.
The Chicago Board Options Exchange, the world's largest options market, also is investigating.
Leo Guzman, who heads Guzman & Co., an investment banking and brokerage firm in Miami, says at first he was skeptical there was any connection between the terrorist attacks and market activity.
But after analyzing unusual options trading involving airline stocks and the stocks of two companies devastated in the World Trade Center attack, he says the link seems to be more than coincidental.
"There is enough evidence to be very suspicious," he said. "The options leave a huge trail." The case that terrorists may have sold stocks short, however, is not nearly as convincing, he said.
In the week before two American Airlines and two United Airlines jets were hijacked and crashed into the Pentagon and the twin towers of the World Trade Center, traders on the options markets in Philadelphia and Chicago noticed a sudden surge in the purchase of stock-options contracts that would have gained value if the price of AMR Corp. and UAL Corp., the parent companies of the two airlines, declined.
Essentially, the terrorists would have been betting on the negative impact of an event only they knew was going to occur on stock prices.
Traders' suspicions prompted the SEC probe, which was announced last Wednesday -- two days after the markets reopened following a four-day hiatus in the wake of the attacks.
By that time, however, terrorists or their associates could have liquidated their positions and wired their profits offshore, analysts said.
"My suspicion is the money
has already left the country," said Randall Dodd, an economics professor
at American University and head of its Derivatives Study Center.
If there was manipulation of so-called put options -- contracts that give the holder the right to sell a security at a specified price (the strike price) by a certain date -- regulators should be able to trace the options trades to the brokers who placed the orders and ultimately to the customers who submitted them.
But if it turns out an order was
submitted by an offshore company or a front company the trail may stop there,
says Dodd. "The bright light of the audit trail can stop quite quickly and
disappear into the shadows, especially if one of these tax haven countries is
involved," he says.
Absolute banking secrecy that makes the true owners of offshore accounts difficult if not impossible to trace has been the chief competitive advantage of offshore banking centers. Recently, in the face of international pressure, some offshore banking centers have lifted the veil of secrecy in an effort to combat money laundering. Others, however, have balked.
If terrorists did indeed profiteer from put options, said Guzman, they could have reaped their profits on Sept. 17 -- selling their puts the day the markets reopened. "It was a good time to do it because the market was crashing," he said.
Because options are settled overnight, profiteers could have wired their money offshore the next day, Guzman said.
His theory is that if manipulation of put options did occur, the investors knew their trades would be traceable but gambled that by the time they were tracked, they would have been paid. "Maybe the trail doesn't matter, if the payoff is big enough," Guzman said.
He said the case for that scenario is the most dramatic for American Airlines stock. If, for example, an investor bought an option at $2.20 on Sept. 10 -- the day before the attacks, that investor would have been able to sell it on Sept. 17 for $10.80.
On both those days, there are huge spikes in the volume of put options traded. During August, around 150 American Airlines put options traded each day. During the first week of September the volume was even lower than that. Then on Sept. 10, the trading volume shot up to 1,535 put contracts, each representing 100 shares. On Sept. 17, the volume was 1,219 contracts, before falling off sharply in subsequent days.
Guzman said he found a similar, though not as dramatic, spike in trading volume on Sept. 10 for Marsh & McClennan Cos., an insurance firm with offices in the World Trade Center, and Morgan Stanley Dean Witter, whose WTC offices also were destroyed. The big upsurge in UAL options trading came on Sept. 6.
"The interesting thing is that this (pattern) happened to several companies in different industries," Guzman said.
If there was put option
manipulation, said Dodd, and the money is already offshore, it should serve as
a lesson for the future.
While the United States has a regulatory environment that permits transactions to be readily traced, he said that's not always the case with offshore banking centers, where record-keeping and regulations may be lax.
"The long-term solution is
to establish multilateral financial regulatory agreements with other
countries," Dodd said. "In order to bring these transactions into the
light, the U.S. needs to support efforts such as the OECD (Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development) initiative on tax havens that will create
proper record-keeping and reporting requirements."
September 26, 2001
MIMI WHITEFIELD
Miami Herald
If terrorists or their associates tried to manipulate securities markets in the days before the Sept. 11 attacks and profited as stocks affected by the disaster plummeted, analysts say the money they made has probably already been moved out of the country.
The Securities and Exchange Commission is investigating whether some investors were aware of the attacks ahead of time and used that knowledge to profit in the stock options market, or by short-selling stocks -- selling borrowed shares and buying them back later at much lower prices.
The SEC declined to comment Tuesday on the progress of the investigation, referring to a statement issued last week that said: "We are vigorously pursuing all credible leads but, at this time, we have drawn no conclusion."
SEC Chairman Harvey I. Pitt is scheduled to testify before the House Financial Services Committee today, however, and may be questioned about links between those responsible for the terrorist attacks and securities market fluctuations.
The Chicago Board Options Exchange, the world's largest options market, also is investigating.
Leo Guzman, who heads Guzman & Co., an investment banking and brokerage firm in Miami, says at first he was skeptical there was any connection between the terrorist attacks and market activity.
But after analyzing unusual options trading involving airline stocks and the stocks of two companies devastated in the World Trade Center attack, he says the link seems to be more than coincidental.
"There is enough evidence to be very suspicious," he said. "The options leave a huge trail." The case that terrorists may have sold stocks short, however, is not nearly as convincing, he said.
In the week before two American Airlines and two United Airlines jets were hijacked and crashed into the Pentagon and the twin towers of the World Trade Center, traders on the options markets in Philadelphia and Chicago noticed a sudden surge in the purchase of stock-options contracts that would have gained value if the price of AMR Corp. and UAL Corp., the parent companies of the two airlines, declined.
Essentially, the terrorists would have been betting on the negative impact of an event only they knew was going to occur on stock prices.
Traders' suspicions prompted the SEC probe, which was announced last Wednesday -- two days after the markets reopened following a four-day hiatus in the wake of the attacks.
By that time, however, terrorists or their associates could have liquidated their positions and wired their profits offshore, analysts said.
"My suspicion is the money
has already left the country," said Randall Dodd, an economics professor
at American University and head of its Derivatives Study Center.
If there was manipulation of so-called put options -- contracts that give the holder the right to sell a security at a specified price (the strike price) by a certain date -- regulators should be able to trace the options trades to the brokers who placed the orders and ultimately to the customers who submitted them.
But if it turns out an order was
submitted by an offshore company or a front company the trail may stop there,
says Dodd. "The bright light of the audit trail can stop quite quickly and
disappear into the shadows, especially if one of these tax haven countries is
involved," he says.
Absolute banking secrecy that makes the true owners of offshore accounts difficult if not impossible to trace has been the chief competitive advantage of offshore banking centers. Recently, in the face of international pressure, some offshore banking centers have lifted the veil of secrecy in an effort to combat money laundering. Others, however, have balked.
If terrorists did indeed profiteer from put options, said Guzman, they could have reaped their profits on Sept. 17 -- selling their puts the day the markets reopened. "It was a good time to do it because the market was crashing," he said.
Because options are settled overnight, profiteers could have wired their money offshore the next day, Guzman said.
His theory is that if manipulation of put options did occur, the investors knew their trades would be traceable but gambled that by the time they were tracked, they would have been paid. "Maybe the trail doesn't matter, if the payoff is big enough," Guzman said.
He said the case for that scenario is the most dramatic for American Airlines stock. If, for example, an investor bought an option at $2.20 on Sept. 10 -- the day before the attacks, that investor would have been able to sell it on Sept. 17 for $10.80.
On both those days, there are huge spikes in the volume of put options traded. During August, around 150 American Airlines put options traded each day. During the first week of September the volume was even lower than that. Then on Sept. 10, the trading volume shot up to 1,535 put contracts, each representing 100 shares. On Sept. 17, the volume was 1,219 contracts, before falling off sharply in subsequent days.
Guzman said he found a similar, though not as dramatic, spike in trading volume on Sept. 10 for Marsh & McClennan Cos., an insurance firm with offices in the World Trade Center, and Morgan Stanley Dean Witter, whose WTC offices also were destroyed. The big upsurge in UAL options trading came on Sept. 6.
"The interesting thing is that this (pattern) happened to several companies in different industries," Guzman said.
If there was put option
manipulation, said Dodd, and the money is already offshore, it should serve as
a lesson for the future.
While the United States has a regulatory environment that permits transactions to be readily traced, he said that's not always the case with offshore banking centers, where record-keeping and regulations may be lax.
"The long-term solution is
to establish multilateral financial regulatory agreements with other
countries," Dodd said. "In order to bring these transactions into the
light, the U.S. needs to support efforts such as the OECD (Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development) initiative on tax havens that will create
proper record-keeping and reporting requirements."
September 26, 2001
Brock N. Meeks
MSNBC
WASHINGTON, Sept. 26 — More evidence of suspicious options trading in the airline and hotel sectors prior to the Sept. 11 attacks has emerged in a report from an options analysis newsletter. The Chicago Board Options Exchange is investigating the unusual activity, a CBOE spokesperson confirmed.
THE SECURITIES and Exchange Commission and New York Stock Exchange are also investigating the suspicious trading activity, according to sources familiar with those investigations. The SEC and NYSE have declined to confirm or deny any such investigations.
“We are vigorously pursuing all credible leads, but at this time we have drawn no conclusions,” the SEC said in a statement last week. “We are working closely with other federal law enforcement authorities, as well as the self-regulatory organizations and our foreign regulatory counterparts, to provide all possible assistance.”
Short selling and activity in so-called “put” options on airlines and hotel stocks soared to “levels we have not seen in years,” according to Phil Erlanger, a former senior technical analyst at Fidelity Investments.
“Puts” are essentially bets that a particular stock or other security is going to fall in value.
Erlanger, who now tracks shorts and options via his Web site www.erlangersqueezeplay.com, has just released new data on option and short trading prior to the attack, gleaned from the New York Stock Exchange.
“I saw these charts, and I said, ‘This is not normal activity,’” Erlanger said.
In his technical analysis of the charts created from the options data, Erlanger said the “footprint for taking advantage of prior knowledge [of the attacks] is definitely there.”
Erlanger has turned his data over to the NYSE and SEC.
“It’s up to the agencies to find the shoe that fits the footprint to see whether this was indeed action taken with prior knowledge,” Erlanger said.
Although not a sure sign of illegal activity, the activity in put options is only seen “under extraordinary circumstances,” Erlanger said, such as when the country is at war. To have seen the activity in the airlines and hotels balloon right before the attack is highly suspicious, he said. “It doesn’t prove that XYZ terrorists or associates of terrorists or even a country or government of a terrorist did these trades or someone with prior knowledge did these trades,” Erlanger said. However, he said with a heavy sigh, ” it’s so out of the ordinary that it’s walking like a duck and quacking like a duck.”
For example, United Airlines saw a 40 percent jump in shorts — some 4.4 million shares — compared with a month earlier. And American Airlines saw 4,078 put options sold on Sept. 10, compared with an average of 200. According to Erlanger’s calculation, if one person carried out that transaction on the 4,000 AMR puts, he would have netted a profit of $4.8 million.
“The potential is for hundreds of millions of dollars (to have been made here),” Erlanger said of all the combined activity on Sept. 10.
In an apparent act of trader hubris, Erlanger says some investors were also making huge speculative bets in American Airlines doing “naked call selling” in which an investor pledges to sell stock he or she doesn’t own. Normally, in selling “calls” the investor actually owns the underlying security. If a naked call sell goes sour, the losses could be huge.
But in the wake of American Airlines stock tumbling, making money on the naked calls “was a layup, it was easy money,” Erlanger said.
GREEN AND GONE
Although such trades leave a well-documented paper trail, actually finding those involved or freezing any illegal assets may be moot.
“My suspicion is that if they had
a U.S. account I’m sure they took the cash out and split,” said Randall Dodd,
of the Washington-based Economic Strategy Institute and head of its Derivatives
Study Center. “These guys don’t appear to be stupid,” Dodd said, “and they
could have taken their money out shortly after the exchange re-opened.”
Making matters tougher on U.S. investigators would be if the deals and profits were funneled through a network of offshore accounts and murky banking franchises whose dealings help lubricate the impoverished economies of countries known for their status as secretive tax havens.
“More likely they didn’t work in
cash and had the funds transferred to an overseas account that I can only
suspect was in a country that wasn’t as cooperative (with U.S. banking
investigations),” Dodd said. “A clear audit trail can quickly disappear” once
it has gone overseas, he said.
Indeed, other countries also have been looking into suspicious trades but have so far come up empty or have declared nothing out of the ordinary occurred.
However, Bundesbank President Ernst Welteke said in Liege, Belgium, on Saturday there were “ever clearer signs that there were activities on international financial markets which must have been carried out with the necessary expert knowledge” that the tragic events in New York and Washington were about to take place.
If the profits are still inside U.S. banks, the SEC can take some action to at least keep the money from being spent or disappearing into the world’s shadow financial networks of money laundering and coded accounts.
There is no set of guidelines telling the SEC how or when to freeze accounts under investigation, said John Hiney, an agency spokesman. “It depends on the situation,” Hiney said. “We can go to court to freeze an account, and that would be a matter of public record,” he said. “We don’t generally talk about investigations, although there will generally be announcements put out about court action of one sort or another and will close with the word that the commission’s investigation continues.”
September 25, 2001
Carolyn Lochhead, Chronicle Washington Bureau
The San Francisco Chronicle
President Bush threatened yesterday to freeze the U.S. operations of foreign banks that do not cooperate in a financial crackdown on 27 suspected terrorists and terrorist groups.
"Money is the lifeblood of terrorist operations," Bush said. "Today we're asking the world to stop payment."
The executive order requires U.S. financial institutions to immediately freeze the assets of groups on the list and prohibits any U.S. citizen or business from doing business with anyone on the list.
The administration has no authority to force foreign banks to do likewise, but the threat to shut down their U.S. operations could prove powerful leverage, given the dominating role the United States plays in global finance.
The order goes well beyond the freeze of assets imposed by President Bill Clinton in 1998 against Osama bin Laden, the government's chief suspect in the Sept. 11 attacks on New York City and the Pentagon. That freeze had little effect.
Bush called the move "a major thrust of our war on terrorism," making the announcement in the Rose Garden accompanied by Secretary of State Colin Powell and Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill.
Conceding that most terrorist assets probably are located overseas, Bush said the administration had created "the international financial equivalent of law enforcement's 'Most Wanted' list."
"It puts the financial world on notice," Bush said. "If you do business with terrorists, if you support or sponsor them, you will not do business with the United States of America."
The threat could affect such famous bank havens as Switzerland, Grand Cayman and Dubai.
Bush said the administration will work with the governments of foreign banks that might be harboring assets of groups or individuals on the list and "ask them to freeze or block terrorists' ability to access funds in foreign accounts. If they fail to help us, the Department of the Treasury now has the authority to freeze their banks' assets and transactions in the United States."
The administration list targets bin Laden and his al Qaeda network, but also includes Egypt's Al-Jihad, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, a group said to number as many as 3,000 fighters trying to create an Islamic state within three nations just north of Afghanistan. The list also includes suspected individual terrorists.
In an attempt to shut down what is believed to be bin Laden's large fund-raising network, the administration included two nonprofit groups, Wafa Humanitarian Organization and Al Rashid Trust.
Bank analysts generally praised the move but said cutting off terrorist money is no easy task. Many are believed to use informal money networks that skirt financial institutions altogether. Moreover, the amounts involved are sometimes small; some estimate the cost of mounting the Sept. 11 hijackings and terrorist attacks was about $200,000.
Because the United States has cut its economic ties to several nations that could be most helpful, the government also lacks vital financial information.
"The groups that are named are only the ones we suspect," said Bruce Zagaris, a partner in the Washington law firm, Berliner, Corcoran & Rowe. "The U.S. doesn't even have relations -- and hasn't for many, many years -- with a number of countries that are the biggest and most important countries in the Middle East, such as Iraq, Iran and Libya."
As a result, Zagaris said, "We have very few resources on the ground to know anything about what's going on in these countries. We necessarily are having to rely on other countries or entities for normal intelligence that we would have had if we had an embassy and all kinds of other private-sector contacts."
COOPERATION VITAL
The effectiveness of the crackdown will hinge in part on getting other countries and institutions throughout the Middle East to add names to the list.
Monitoring and enforcement is another problem. Former Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milosevic hid his assets for years, Zagaris noted.
"It was only last week that the Greek central bank finally ordered a number of Greek banks where Milosevic's money was thought to exist to cooperate," Zagaris said. "For all those years, the money was first in Cypress, and it took a while to convince Cypress to crack down. By the time that was enforced, the money had been moved to Greek branches of Cypriot banks. Only now are we catching up with the assets."
Randall Dodd, director of the
nonprofit Derivatives Study Center, praised the administration's moves.
Dodd said terrorists could also
be using offshore tax havens in the Caribbean such as Grand Cayman, Barbados
and Antigua, where banking fees are a major source of revenue.
COMPENSATION MAY BE NEEDED
The administration's threat to
shut off economic relations with those nations could prove a powerful weapon,
Dodd said, but might require some kind of compensation in return. The
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a group of
industrialized nations, tried to harmonize banking laws in the Caribbean but
met resistance from some islands that feared a substantial loss of income.
The United States itself has not joined several international money-laundering agreements, including the 1990 Council of Europe's Convention on Laundering, Search, Seizure and Confiscation of the Proceeds from Crime, ratified by 47 nations, including Russia.
Bush called on the Senate yesterday to ratify the United Nations Convention on Suppression of Terrorist Financing.
International cooperation could
prove effective, Dodd said, noting that within minutes of the Sept. 11 attacks,
U.S. law enforcement was able to track credit-card receipts across the country,
resulting in immediate arrests.
"That's the difference
between having record-keeping and reporting in place, versus starting after the
fact," Dodd said. "It's a good idea. I don't know why it took them
this long to do it."
September 24, 2001
WBUR – Boston University Radio and National Public Radio
President Bush issued an executive order today to freeze the U.S. assets of 27 groups and individuals suspected to support terrorism. Calling the order a "strike on the financial foundation" of terrorists, the President called on financial institutions around the world to follow suit. If foreign banks did not take similar action, Bush warned that those banks may have their U.S. assets frozen.
A financial assault is seen by many as an important component of the war against terrorism. Jeffrey Robinson, author a two books on money laundering, says the financial war will be difficult, because funding for terrorism does not come from a rich ex-Saudi millionaire as most people thing -- but from criminal activity and charities.
You can listen to the show, using Real Player, by clicking on the hyperlink Listen below.
Listen http://realserver.bu.edu:8080/ramgen/w/b/wbur/oneunionstation/2001/09/spc_0924b.rm?start=0:0
Guests:
Randall Dodd, Professor of
Economics at American University
Jeffrey Robinson, author of "The Laundrymen: Inside Money Laundering, the World's Third-Largest Business"
September 22, 2001
By Julie Hirschfeld Davis, CQ Staff
Congressional Quarterly Weekly
The cusp of a war, a swoon in the securities markets and the destruction at the nation's financial epicenter have jolted both parties in Congress and President Bush into rethinking how the federal government should stimulate an already weak economy.
Greenspan, at right, was among the economists urging the 107th Congress to take a "go slow" approach to writing legislation designed to stimulate the economy. He and Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Harvey Pitt greeted Phil Gramm, R-Texas, far left, and Paul S. Sarbanes, D-Md., left center, before a Sept. 20 hearing of the Senate Banking Committee.
No longer bickering over whether more spending will threaten Social Security, all of them say the nation can afford a substantial defense build-up, the rebuilding in New York City, a bailout for the airline industry and perhaps more tax cuts without jeopardizing the nation's long-term fiscal health. (Airlines, p. 2206)
Members of the House Ways and Means and Senate Finance committees will be continuing a series of bipartisan discussions in the coming weeks about what the congressional role should be in trying to stimulate the economy – all the while seeking to avoid public battles over tax policy at a time when lawmakers are determined to show unity.
But through the week of Sept. 17 -- both in private and in public – many economists cautioned Congress to move slowly on any additional stimulus package.
"Nobody has the capacity to fathom fully how the tragedy of Sept. 11 will play out," the nation's most influential economist, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, told the Senate Banking Committee on Sept. 20. "But in the weeks ahead, as the shock wears off, we should be able to better gauge how the ongoing dynamics of these events are shaping the immediate economic outlook.
"It's far more important to be right than quick," Greenspan added. Republican and Democratic leaders say they are planning to meet again the week of Sept. 24 with Greenspan, as well as with top White House economic adviser Lawrence Lindsey and former Clinton administration Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin, before they decide on a package.
"We need to get a better assessment of the overall impact," House Majority Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, said after the meeting Sept. 19. "The nation's had a terrible jolt and, quite frankly, the jolt is more widespread, both in terms of the physical performance of different markets and in terms of the national psyche, than what we've been able to measure."
The administration has signaled an openness to additional tax cuts this year, but has not endorsed any of the ideas being floated. In discussing other stimulus options, Treasury Secretary Paul H. O'Neill has suggested the administration is not now planning to endorse federal aid for industries other than the airlines, such as insurance firms. And federal regulators say they have adequate powers over the financial markets. (Markets, p. 2202; insurance, p. 2203)
"There is a sense we ought to do something, and I think there is a sense that we ought to wait a week or so to see what that is," said Rob Portman of Ohio, a Ways and Means member and a conduit between the White House and House GOP leaders. "That's about as much consensus as I've seen." 'Enough to Get America Going'
One week after the deadliest foreign attack on American soil, the government's budget picture has brightened considerably, judging by the shift in political rhetoric on Capitol Hill. Republicans and Democrats -- who were hurling accusations of fiscal mismanagement at each other until the moment the airliners struck the World Trade Center and Pentagon -- have cast that rhetoric aside.
"The definition of how much is: enough to get America going again," the president declared Sept. 19, when he was asked how much he was willing to spend of the surplus revenue once dedicated to the Social Security trust funds -- the so-called lockbox. (Background, CQ Weekly, pp. 2126, 2050) "The leaders from the Congress are very reasonable, and they are mindful about government money as well as anybody else," Bush said, with the top Republicans and Democrats from the House and Senate seated beside him in the Oval Office. "But we are dedicated -- we are dedicated to saying to the American people, this is an emergency the likes of which we have not seen in a long time in this country, and this government will come together and deal with it."
The next day, after members of the House Ways and Means Committee met in private with several economists to discuss options for economic stimulus legislation, Chairman Bill Thomas, R-Calif., said "one of the things that there was general agreement on was the fact that the budget constraints are probably not a major obstacle in the current environment."
What Can Congress Do?
Participants in the week's discussions said one reason for the lack of consensus about what taxes to cut next is that there is no clear understanding yet about the scope of the attacks' consequences for consumer confidence, the stock markets and the gross domestic product. "It's open because there are so many unknowns," Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus, D-Mont., said after a Sept. 21 meeting with O'Neill, Thomas, Finance ranking Republican Charles E. Grassley of Iowa and Ways and Means ranking Democrat Charles B. Rangel of New York. But the talks nonetheless illustrated the new framework for the federal budget debate: It is no longer about which party is a more studious guardian of the shrinking surplus. It is about how best to spend the surplus to stimulate the economy. That is a change many economists say was a long time in coming.
"If the economy is slowing down, you want to lean in the direction of deficits, and until Tuesday, this was clearly not understood on either side of the aisle," Frank C. Wykoff, a professor of economics at California's Pomona College, said in describing the Sept. 11 attack. "Up until now this bipartisan agreement on Social Security has essentially been Hoover economics, and now they finally woke up and realized you have to stimulate the economy."
In the Ways and Means meeting -- to which each party invited three economists to share their views of the current economic situation and how to improve it -- participants were said to be split on three key questions: Should Congress even try to legislate an economic stimulus? If so, should the package's provisions be permanent or temporary? And should its emphasis be on long-term or short-term concerns?
In a Sept. 17 report, the Congressional Research Service noted that many economists doubt that congressional moves to alter fiscal policy can counter a recession because of the difficulty of enacting a stimulus quickly enough to stop a flagging economy. Some suggest the government's options for spurring investment and retail spending will be inadequate to countermand the loss in consumer confidence expected to flow from the attacks. Others say the possible tax law changes would take effect too late to counter a downturn that may have begun before Sept. 11 and that seems sure to get worse, at least in the near term.
"These investment stimuli tend to reinforce an expansion, but they're not going to turn things around, because firms are going to be constrained on the demand side by the market," Wykoff said. "You can't really juice up investment if investors aren't ready to invest."
But some lawmakers say it is important for Congress to respond in some way, if only to demonstrate solidarity and a resolve to keep the U.S. economy on firm footing. "Sometimes we need to take action just to give ourselves a psychological boost," said Ways and Means Democrat Robert T. Matsui of California, although he added, "I don't have a lot of confidence in these microeconomic measures having a great macroeconomic effect." And while many Democrats want to ensure that any stimulative tax relief is temporary -- with an eye toward controlling the loss of revenue to the Treasury and thereby keeping long-term interest rates in check – several Republicans maintain that the package should make permanent changes in tax law, in the belief that promised continuity of the tax code would help boost economic activity.
Bang for the Buck
Not surprisingly, large differences separate Republicans and Democrats on the question of what those measures should be. While lobbyists and lawmakers acknowledge that any stimulus package would need to be a bipartisan product in order to become law, talk of additional tax cuts already has revived long-running debates.
Eager to assert his prerogative as the House's chief tax writer, just three days after the attack Thomas recommended an ambitious tax package including a capital gains rate cut, an increase in small-business expense deductions and a reinstatement of the investment tax credit. He also proposed a short-term acceleration in the business depreciation schedule. (CQ Weekly, p. 2132)
Business groups have quietly expressed support for many of those proposals, most of which have been on their own wish list for some time, and they began pushing for additional tax breaks as well. This led some Democrats to begin criticizing the GOP and the business community for political opportunism in the heat of a national crisis. As a result, it took some personal appeals from Rangel to get fellow Democrats to attend a Sept. 17 meeting with Thomas to talk about stimulus options.
The situation led to some awkward positioning as business groups sought to balance their desires for tax relief against their reluctance to look selfish. On Sept. 17, U.S. Chamber of Commerce President Thomas Donohue downplayed his group's zeal for immediate additional tax cuts, saying "We'll have some discussion of a stimulus package in the future." But later in the week, the Chamber's top lobbyist, Bruce Josten, said business groups were indeed pushing for quick action on items like eradication of the alternative minimum tax for corporations and the revival of the investment credit. Also, a coalition of business groups sent Bush and congressional leaders a letter urging them to move promptly.
Democrats signaled that they are loath to consider a cut in the capital gains rate. The GOP says the move might raise revenue in the short term by encouraging people to sell their assets to take advantage of the lower rate. Democrats say the new rate would do little to bolster new investments and would disproportionately benefit the wealthy.
Similarly, some Republicans have said they are against a leading Democratic idea: cutting payroll taxes for lower-income workers. "We're worrying about ensuring the future of Social Security and Medicare, and if we cut the payroll taxes now, that could cause problems for us later," said Jill Gerber, a spokeswoman for Grassley.
Republicans also are unlikely to submit to demands to revisit the tax cuts between 2005 and 2010 under the $1.35 trillion tax cut law (PL 107-16) enacted in June. Many Democrats say this is necessary to control interest rates in the long run considering the explosion in federal spending that is sure to follow the attacks. (CQ Weekly, p. 1304)
Even before Sept. 11, Rubin had been counseling Democrats to press to reopen the debate on the tax cuts for the second half of the decade, arguing that the lost revenue would cause long-term rates to rise and hurt the current economy. "Maintaining our fiscal discipline going forward will be key to economic well-being," he told the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce on Sept. 21.
Keeping Focused
But both Republicans and Democrats were sounding a conciliatory note at the end of the week of Sept. 17.
"I don't think we ought to emphasize poison pills, but if we search for common ground, we'll find the poison pills," Sander M. Levin of Michigan, the ranking Democrat on the Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee, said Sept. 20 in declining to say what proposals would be non-starters in his party's eyes. "I think we all have a choice, including the president: to search for common ground, or to try to shove through our agenda. And I think the answer should be searching for common ground."
And while Thomas emphasized the need for investment stimuli, he said it also might be appropriate to "do a bit of a demand side" -- for instance, he said, by providing tax relief similar to Bush's tax cut for those who do not pay income taxes. Such a cut has been anathema to the GOP in the past. In the absence of bipartisan agreement on how to proceed, economists have counseled lawmakers not to cobble together a stimulus package in the image of most tax relief measures that move through Congress, which frequently turn into "Christmas trees" littered with special provisions to satisfy important constituencies.
"You don't do a little bit of this and a little bit of that in creating a political package which, though it might have broad appeal from a lot of pieces in it, would have virtually no impact if you're trying to influence economic decision-making," Thomas said. "It would be better if we sat down and tried to come to a bipartisan agreement on a package that had a sufficient focus to make a difference."
Other Stimuli
Beyond tax cuts, lawmakers are considering other ways to help boost the economy in the wake of the terrorist attacks. One proposal under discussion would be to assist laid-off workers in paying their share of temporary medical insurance available to them after they are no longer employed.
Republicans also have resumed their push for legislation that would once again empower the president to negotiate trade agreements that Congress would have to accept or reject quickly and without amendment. Longstanding partisan disagreement on such a measure will make it difficult to schedule quick action but Republican leaders say granting Bush such "fast track" power would give businesses confidence in their international futures -- as well as building a coalition of nations committed to eradicating terrorism. (Diplomacy, p. 2191)
Regardless of what the elements
of the package are, some economists believe Congress cannot wait too long to
act. "There's not enough appreciation of what's been lost here in terms of
momentum," said Randall Dodd of the Economic Strategy Institute, a think
tank that advocates free-market policies. "We were in this box two weeks
ago, but now we have an excuse to take actions that might otherwise have seemed
rash."
Still, that excuse may not last long. David C. Colander, professor of public finance and macroeconomics at Princeton University, said the nature of the coming military conflict will determine how long the current dynamic remains. "If it's actual wartime, everything is forgotten about balancing budgets, and the total focus goes elsewhere," Colander said.
However, if it turns out to be a war of sporadic, small-scale engagements rather than a focused, massive assault, the public's attention could drift back to domestic concerns, he said, and Washington could return to its old ways of fighting over budget priorities in the context of surpluses and deficits. "This clearly is not war as we know it," Colander said.
September 20, 2001
Sharyl Attkisson reports.
CBS News: Morning News
SUSAN McGINNIS, anchor: Federal investigators are following a money trail, trying to find out if terrorists profited from stock swings blamed on the suicide attacks.
SHARYL ATTKISSON reporting:
Sources tell CBS News that the afternoon before the attack, alarm bells were sounding over unusual trading in the US stock options market, an extraordinary number of trades betting that American Airlines' stock price would fall. The trades are called `puts,' and they involved at least 450,000 shares of American. But what raised the red flag is more than 80 percent of the orders were puts, far outnumbering call options, those betting the stock would rise. Sources say they've never seen that kind of imbalance before. Normally, the numbers are fairly even.
After the terrorist attacks, American Airlines' stock price obviously did fall,, and according to our sources, that translated into well over $5 million total profit for the person or persons who bet the stock would fall. Sources tell "60 Minutes" that the initial options were bought through at least two brokerage firms including, including NFS, a subsidiary of Fidelity, and TD Waterhouse, a discount firm. At least one Wall Street firm reported suspicions about this activity to the Securities and Exchange Commission shortly after the attack.
The same thing happened with United Airlines on the Chicago Board Options Exchange four days before the attack. An extremely imbalanced number of trades betting United's stock price would fall also transformed into huge profits.
Mr. RANDALL DODD (Economic
Strategy Institute): We can directly work backwards from the trade on the floor
of the Chicago Boards Option Exchange. That trader is linked to a brokerage
firm. That brokerage firm received the order to buy that put option from either
someone within their own brokerage firm speculating or from one of their
customers.
ATTKISSON: Now US investigators want to know whether Osama bin Laden was the ultimate inside trader, profiting from a tragedy he's suspected of masterminding to finance his operation. Authorities are also investigating possibly suspicious trading in Germany, Switzerland, Italy and Japan.
The stock trail could stop at the water's edge if the money came from banks in places that don't cooperate with the US. But insider trading is always motivated by greed, and a senior Wall Street executive noted it would be ironic if the terrorists' greed ended up providing one of the best leads investigators have. Sharyl Attkisson, CBS News, Washington.
September 19, 2001
Dan Rather, Sharyl Attkisson
CBS News: Evening News with Dan Rather
"Eye on America": Evidence is surfacing of insider trading on the stock market before recent terrorist attacks.
DAN RATHER, CBS CORRESPONDENT: In this "Eye on America" report, CBS`s Sharyl Attkisson tells you there is evidence of possible -- mark the word because it is important -- possible manipulation of the stock market just before the attacks.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
SHARYL ATTKISSON, CBS CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): Sources tell CBS News that the afternoon before the attack, alarm bells were sounding over unusual trading in the U.S. stock options market: an extraordinary number of trades betting that American Airlines stock price would fall. The trades are called puts, and they involved at least 450,000 shares of American. But what raised the red flag is more than 80 percent of the orders were puts, far outnumbering call options, those betting the stock would rise. Sources say they`ve never seen that kind of imbalance before. Normally the numbers are fairly even.
After the terrorist attacks, American Airlines` stock price obviously did fall, and according to our sources, that translated into well over $5 million total profit for the person or persons who bet the stock would fall.
Sources tell "60 MINUTES" that the initial options were bought through at least two brokerage firms including NFS, a subsidiary of Fidelity, and TD Waterhouse, a discount firm.
At least one Wall Street firm reported suspicions about this activity to the Securities and Exchange Commission shortly after the attack.
The same thing happened with United Airlines on the Chicago Board Options Exchange four days before the attack. An extremely imbalanced number of trade betting United`s stock price would fall also transformed into huge profit.
RANDALL DODD, ECONOMIC STRATEGY
INSTITUTE: We can directly work backwards from a trade on the floor of the
Chicago Board Options Exchange. The trader is linked to a brokerage firm. The
brokerage firm received the order to buy that put option from either someone
within a brokerage firm speculating, or from one of the customers.
ATTKISSON: U.S. investigators want to know whether Osama bin Laden was the ultimate inside trader, profiting from a tragedy he`s suspected of masterminding, to finance his operation. Authorities are also investigating possibly suspicious trading in Germany, Switzerland, Italy and Japan.
(on camera): The stock trail could stop at the water`s edge if the money came from banks and places that don`t cooperate with the United States. But insider trading is always motivated by greed, and a senior Wall Street executive noted it would be ironic if the terrorists` greed ended up providing one of the best leads investigators have.
Sharyl Attkisson, CBS News, Washington.
(END VIDEOTAPE)
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September 11, 2001
By M. Corey Goldman
ABCNEWS.COM
N E W Y O R K, Sept. 11 — The U.S. economy is not well. And Washington lawmakers are desperately searching for whatever remedy they can find to cure it.
Already they've spooned out some $38 billion worth of rebate checks to weary consumers, part of a $1.35 trillion 10-year tax-cut package meant to stimulate growth. And Republicans and Democrats alike have been bantering of late about another tax cut they hope will revive the sluggish economy: A reduction in the capital gains taxation rate to 15 percent from 20 percent.
Dubbed the "rich man's" tax because it tends to affect only those with very high incomes and assets, the capital gains tax was initially implemented to bring revenue into the government's coffers from those who made money on well-heeled investments. The rate was as high as 28 percent before the former Clinton administration lowered it to 20 percent with the 1997 Taxpayer Relief Act.
With the economy looking sicklier by the day, lawmakers in Washington are now exploring a further reduction in the capital gains tax as a way to stimulate economic growth — a move they hope will restore consumer confidence and get the economy back on its feet. The problem is, not everyone agrees that a reduction or outright elimination of a well-heeled tax will really do all that much to help the struggling economy.
"It's an honest debate and one that certainly has its merits, but there is a big question mark as to whether a reduction in the capital gains rate would have any effect at all," said Stanford University economics professor Warren Bailey. "Any talk of a tax cut is going to seem positive, but there really is no way to tell what the impact might be."
Minimal Market Gains
Currently, anyone who makes a capital gain — whether by selling stock at a profit or selling real estate in excess of $500,000 — is required to pay a 20 percent tax. For small gains in an IRA portfolio, that's not too bad; for larger gains, such as buying a $1 million country home and selling it for $4.5 million, the implications of the tax become much more palpable.
According to research compiled by the Congressional Research Service's government and finance division, only 1.8 percent of the taxpaying population earns more than $200,000 and pays approximately 79 percent of capital gains taxes. The tax itself accounts for roughly 4.5 percent of total federal income, payroll and excise taxes; it accounts for 14 percent of total taxes for the highest-income taxpayers.
In theory, a reduction in the rate would add to the government's revenues like this: Anyone currently sitting on the fence as to whether or not to sell their investments might be encouraged to do so if the tax rate were less. That would then increase tax revenue and help Congress deal with the shrinking budget surplus, which has been declining in a weaker economy and Bush's already current tax cut, and avoid dipping into Social Security.
In practice, many economists and market-watchers don't believe a five-point reduction in the capital gains tax will have any effect whatsoever. The only effect it might have, experts say, is to keep long-term interest rates high as longer-term revenues the government would have been receiving dwindle away.
After all, at the end of the day, the government will be taking in 5 percent less.
"The vast majority of
capital goes go to very rich people, and right now there aren't any capital
gains anyway," said Randall Dodd, a director with the Economic Strategy
Institute in Washington. "If you want to stimulate the economy, that is
not a very effective way to do it."
Tried and True
And that small percentage of American wealth has a very tried-and-true way of doing business.
"If you think a reduction in the capital gains rate is going to stimulate the economy, you have to think that those high-income people are going to something other than what they've been doing with their money," said Iris Lav, a senior analyst with the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in Washington. "That tax is for very wealthy people, and those people are not likely to change their spending patterns."
To be sure, some analysts have suggested that, if another tax cut is something Washington decides it absolutely must do, then it should be a different kind of tax cut, such as a reduction in the 15.3 percent payroll tax that comes out of most working Americans' paychecks.
Rolling back a portion of the payroll tax that goes to Social Security and Medicare would give a tax cut to more than 30 million workers most earning less than $44,000 a year who were left out of this year's $40 billion in tax rebate checks because they didn't have enough taxable income to qualify.
All the same, others believe the government should simply cut income tax rates across the board, providing broad-based tax relief for lower- and middle-income individuals and families that might bring less cash into the Treasury, but would create more economic activity as disposable incomes rise.
"During a downturn economy a government probably should cut taxes, and a government should probably run a deficit — that's what a government is supposed to do," said Cornell's Bailey. "But the tax cut also has to be something that will genuinely encourage people to spend. If it's too exclusive, it's not going provide much relief to the economy in the long term."
September 10, 2002
Lou Dobbs, Christine Romans, Greg Clarkin, Jennifer Westhoven, Hillary Lane, Tim O`Brien, Allan Chernoff, Casey Wian
CNNfn: Moneyline News Hour
ANNOUNCER: From the heart of New York City, this is LOU DOBBS MONEYLINE. Here now, Lou Dobbs.
LOU DOBBS, CNNfn ANCHOR, LOU DOBBS MONEYLINE: Good evening. Checking our top stories tonight, the Bush administration and Congress are waking up to the problems that this economy is causing. Both sides are putting more effort now into addressing the slowdown, while many officials say it may take months for the tax cuts and interest rate cuts to turn this economy around.
Today Qwest Communications (URL: http://www.qwest.net/) warning of lower profits through next year. The long-distance carrier also cutting 4,000 jobs as it battles this slowing economy.
Tire maker Michelin North America also cutting jobs -- 2,000 jobs. Michelin cutting costs to offset big drop in tire demand. And these are the other stories we are looking at tonight.
We begin with Christine Romans -- Christine.
CHRISTINE ROMANS, CNNfn CORRESPONDENT: Lou, the Dow Jones ending today a fraction lower, but it could have been worse. It had been down more than 100.
GREG CLARKIN, CNNfn CORRESPONDENT: The Nasdaq comes out a winner, breaking a four-session losing streak. The composite still just 57 points away from its closing low for the year.
JENNIFER WESTHOVEN, CNNfn CORRESPONDENT: Xilinx (URL: http://www.xilinx.com/) the most actively traded stock after-hours. We will tell you what`s got that stock on the move.
HILLARY LANE, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Blockbuster (URL: http://www.blockbuster.com/) switches focus from VHS to DVD. I`ll tell you what is behind that move.
DOBBS: Thanks, Hillary. We will also be talking tonight with Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who will spell out his plans to streamline the Pentagon. Lakshman Achuthan spells out his views on the state of this economy. Alan Ackerman will be here to tell us what the government can and cannot do fix the economy.
The spike in unemployment during August was a bombshell on Wall Street and of course in Washington. Democrats have suddenly seized on the data, launching a rancorous fight over who is to blame for the slowing economy. Now apparently willing to join in on a Republican solution.
Tim O`Brien reports from Washington.
(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)
TIM O`BRIEN, CNN CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): With all 435 House seats up for grabs in next year`s Congressional election, President Bush`s prescription for the country`s declining economy is sure to have consequences, political as well as economic. So far, little has worked. And last week`s gloomy employment report has led some analysts to warn that consumer confidence, the mainstay of the economy, may be the next casualty.
RANDALL DODD, ECONOMIC STRATEGY
INSTITUTE: The time to act is now. The longer you wait, consumer confidence is
going to grow worse, business outlook will grow worse, and it will be much
harder to get...
O`BRIEN: Republicans say the administration program needs more time, and may yet include other remedies, like cutting payroll taxes, and capital- gains taxes.
SEN. TRENT LOTT (R-MS), MINORITY LEADER: It may be necessary for us to act on the capital gains rate cut, because it will clearly cause a growth in the economy -- it always does -- and, as an aside brings in more revenue to the government, particularly in first couple years.
SEN. KENT CONRAD (D), NORTH DAKOTA: What we need is a tax cut that will put money in people`s pockets, quickly. Capital gains tax doesn`t do that. Second, in the current investment environment, people are unlikely to go out and sell stocks that are at very depressed levels.
O`BRIEN: Conrad says the administration`s tax rebate was too small to have any impact, and the long-term cost of the president`s tax cut is too expensive. And what should Congress do now? One political economist says: nothing.
LESLIE ALPERSTEIN, WASHINGTON ANALYSTS: My guess is that what is in place is appropriate. We`ve got our tax cut, and I think anything that the Congress does now will probably be viewed as messing up.
O`BRIEN: Alperstein predicts the economy will be turning around by early next year at the latest. The timing will be critical, as it could set the frame -- frame the debate for elections that follow. Lou?
(END VIDEOTAPE)
DOBBS: Tim, thank you very much. Tim O`Brien from Washington.
June 29, 2001
By Kristine Henry, the Baltimore Sun
Boston Globe
The rebate checks that began arriving in taxpayers' mailboxes this week were billed by President Bush as a way to provide ''an immediate boost'' to the slowing economy.
But economists say that even if everyone spends every cent of their refund, the infusion will give the country's finances at most a polite nudge.
Depending on their 2000 income, single taxpayers will receive up to $300, heads of households can get up to $500 and married couples may receive up to $600. Those at the lower end of the income scale will not receive checks.
All told, the rebates will pump about $39 billion into the pockets of 92 million Americans over the next three months. It's quite a chunk of change, but it represents only about four-tenths of 1 percent of the $10 trillion national economy.
''It will help a little bit, it just won't help very much,'' said Randall Dodd, director of the derivatives study center at the Economic Strategy Institute in Washington.
Some retailers will probably see a bump in purchases of small-ticket durable goods such as washers and dryers, said John Shea, an associate professor of economics at the University of Maryland, College Park.
But a fair number of recipients, he said, will probably use the rebates to pay down credit-card debt. Even then, it would make only a dent in the collective $689 billion Americans owe on their credit cards.
''It may accelerate economic growth this year by some fraction of a point,'' Shea said, ''but it's not going to have a huge impact on the economy.''
Kurt Barnard, president of Barnard's Retail Trend Report, said that while many of the refund checks would probably be used to pay down credit-card balances, people who use the money for purchases will do so conservatively.
''They will go to the discount stores and stores where they can spend the money on purchases such as a new refrigerator, a new dishwasher or a new washing machine for the home,'' he said. ''They will buy what they need, but they will not buy on impulse, and they will not buy frivolously and they will not buy on a whim.''
Joel Slemrod, a professor of economics at the University of Michigan, said he thinks about 60 percent of those who receive checks will spend them.
He based that expectation on a 1992 survey he did when then-President George Bush changed withholding levels, which bumped up paychecks but lowered refunds. Forty-three percent of respondents in that study said they would spend the extra amount in their paychecks, and Slemrod said the figure should be higher with the lump sums.
Still, he said, any boost to the economy would be ''very small.''
Not only will the rebates do little to spur the economy, specialists said, they may even drive up long-term interest rates. That's because the early refunds mean that $39 billion won't be available to pay toward the nation's debt.
''Anything that raises the likelihood of deficits is going to cause higher interest rates,'' Shea said. ''It's supply and demand.''
The chief retail economist for PricewaterhouseCoopers, Carl Steidtmann, said the rebates will have ''virtually no impact at all'' on the economy but that the overall tax cut - $1.35 trillion over 10 years - will have a negative impact.
''In a lot of ways it's structured like the '81 tax reduction, with bigger reductions in future years,'' he said. ''That's an incentive to delay economic activity, and as in '81 those were contributing factors to the economy falling into recession.''
The conservative Cato Institute's director of fiscal policy, Chris Edwards, said he believes the overall tax cut will, in fact, boost the economy, because when businesses make plans for growth, they look at after-tax gains. Lower taxes, he said, will spark more investment.
But ''I don't think the checks will be that much of a boost in themselves,'' he said. ''Probably a lot of the reason [for the rebate checks] is politics - it allows the Treasury to mail some good news, basically.''
Not everyone will share in the payout.
Although about 130 million tax returns were filed for 2000, only 92 million refund checks will be disbursed. In order to qualify for the full refunds, single tax filers must have had a tax liability of at least $300. For heads of households the figure is $500, and it's $600 for married couples. (The checks, technically a tax credit, will not reduce refunds for 2001 filings or increase the amount owed.)
Those with lower tax liabilities will get smaller checks, and people whose wages were too low to make them liable for any taxes will not get checks.
Nonresident aliens and those who can be claimed as dependents on another person's tax return also will not receive checks.
''People who are the most excited about the possibility of the rebate checks are not going to get them, and the people who are getting them, most don't care,'' said Robert S. McIntyre, director of Citizens for Tax Justice.
Shea agreed that the refunds are ''a drop in the bucket'' for high-income individuals and that Americans who would be the most likely to spur the economy by going out and spending the checks on merchandise - rather than paying down debt or simply saving it - are the ones who will get little if any of the rebates.
''If you really wanted to boost spending,'' he said, ''you would spread it further down on the income scale.''
July 22, 2001
Kristine Henry SUN STAFF
The Baltimore Sun
The rebate checks that will begin arriving in taxpayers' mailboxes this week were billed by President Bush as a way to provide "an immediate boost" to the slowing economy.
But economists say that even if everyone spends every cent of their refunds, the infusion will give the country's finances at most a polite nudge.
Depending on their 2000 income, single taxpayers will receive up to $300, heads of households can get up to $500 and married couples may receive up to $600. Those at the lower end of the income scale will not receive checks.
All told, the rebates will pump about $39 billion into the pockets of 92 million Americans over the next three months. It's quite a chunk of change, but represents only about four-tenths of 1 percent of the $10 trillion national economy.
"It will help a little bit,
it just won't help very much," said Randall Dodd, director of the
derivatives study center at the Economic Strategy Institute in Washington.
Some retailers will likely see a bump in purchases of small- ticket durable goods such as washers and dryers, said John Shea, an associate professor of economics at the University of Maryland, College Park.
But a fair number of recipients, he said, will probably use the rebates to pay down credit-card debt. Even then, it would make only a dent in the collective $689 billion Americans owe on their credit cards.
"It may accelerate economic growth this year by some fraction of a point," Shea said, "but it's not going to have a huge impact on the economy."
Kurt Barnard, president of Barnard's Retail Trend Report, said that while many of the refund checks would likely be used to pay down credit-card balances, people who use the money for purchases will do so conservatively.
"They will go to the discount stores and stores where they can spend the money on purchases such as a new refrigerator, a new dishwasher or a new washing machine for the home," he said. "They will buy what they need, but they will not buy on impulse, and they will not buy frivolously and they will not buy on a whim."
Joel Slemrod, a professor of economics at the University of Michigan, said he thinks about 60 percent of those who receive checks will spend them.
He based that expectation on a 1992 survey he did when then- President George Bush, the current president's father, changed withholding levels, which bumped up paychecks but lowered refunds. Forty-three percent of respondents in that study said they would spend the extra amount in their paychecks, and Slemrod said the figure should be higher with the lump sums.
Still, he said, any boost to the economy would be "very small."
Not only will the rebates do little to spur the economy, experts said, they may even drive up long-term interest rates. That's because the early refunds mean that $39 billion won't be available to pay toward the nation's debt.
"Anything that raises the likelihood of deficits is going to cause higher interest rates," Shea said. "It's supply and demand."
And those higher rates, Dodd
noted, means other savings will be lost as homeowners are unable to get even
lower rates on mortgage refinancing.
"It's not an obvious net gain," he said.
Bush likely pushed the tax cut for political - not fiscal - purposes, Dodd said.
"It's dishonest to say it can fix a recession," he said. "If you really understand the economy, it's dishonest. If you do not really understand it, it's disingenuous."
The chief retail economist for PricewaterhouseCoopers, Carl Steidtmann, said the rebates will have "virtually no impact at all" on the economy but that the overall tax cut - $1.35 trillion over 10 years - will have a negative impact.
"In a lot of ways it's structured like the '81 tax reduction, with bigger reductions in future years," he said. "That's an incentive to delay economic activity, and as in '81 those were contributing factors to the economy falling into recession."
The conservative Cato Institute's director of fiscal policy, Chris Edwards, said he believes the overall tax cut will, in fact, boost the economy, because when businesses make plans for growth, they look at after-tax gains. Lower taxes, he said, will spark more investment.
But "I don't think the checks will be that much of a boost in themselves," he said. "Probably a lot of the reason [for the rebate checks] is politics - it allows the Treasury to mail some good news, basically."
Not everyone will share in the payout.
Although about 130 million tax returns were filed for 2000, only 92 million refund checks will be disbursed.In order to qualify for the full refunds, single tax filers must have had a tax liability of at least $300. For heads of households the figure is $500, and it's $600 for married couples. (The checks - technically a tax credit - will not reduce refunds for 2001 filings or increase the amount owed.)
Those with lower tax liabilities will get smaller checks, and people whose wages were too low to make them liable for any taxes will not get checks.
Nonresident aliens and those who can be claimed as dependents on another person's tax return also will not receive checks.
"People who are the most excited about the possibility of the rebate checks are not going to get them, and the people who are getting them, most don't care," said Robert S. McIntyre, director of Citizens for Tax Justice.
Shea agreed that the refunds are "a drop in the bucket" for high- income individuals and that Americans who would be the most likely to spur the economy by going out and spending the checks on merchandise - rather than paying down debt or simply saving it - are the ones who will get little if any of the rebates.
"If you really wanted to boost spending," he said, "you would spread it further down on the income scale."
The U.S. Treasury Department said that taxpayers whose Social Security numbers end with the numbers 00 through 09 should receive their checks this week. The last batch - for those whose numbers end in 90 to 99, should be in mailboxes the week of Sept. 24.
Sending the checks this summer, according the Treasury Department, is costing the government $116 million in postage, labor and other expenses.
"The political question is, how many people are going to be [upset] when they don't get one of these checks?" Shea said. "A lot of people will not get one dime, and the [news] stories have been so continuous, everybody is probably expecting to get a check."
Middle East Finance and Economy
March 31, 2001
The missing link
By
Martha Slud in New York
Last summer, a group of about 30 senior executives from stock markets
throughout the Middle East gathered in New York to discuss the possibility of
linking their fledgling markets to the electronically traded Nasdaq, a
technology-heavy exchange that has stolen the thunder from the more staid New
York Stock Exchange.
Is the idea far-fetched? It may be, financial experts say. But they also say
that some sort of system in which Middle Eastern bourses are linked
individually or together to a global exchange, such as the Nasdaq market, is a
sound idea that could offer major positives for the region's economy. A
cross-border equities trading arrangement could help boost liquidity in
regional bourses – a key for emerging markets trying to increase trading in
their shares – by helping encourage and simplify participation by foreign
investors. Such a system could give investors throughout the Middle East easier
access to shares of high-profile American technology firms traded on the
Nasdaq, such as the software maker Microsoft, the semiconductor firm Intel or
Yahoo!, the Internet search engine company.
Nasdaq, a subsidiary of the National Association of Securities Dealers Inc.
(NASD), lists about 5,000 companies, including most of the technology-related
startups that hold highly anticipated initial public offerings on Wall Street.
The exchange has a larger dollar volume and trades more shares each day than
the New York Stock Exchange, and recently opened a flashy market site in New
York's Times Square – a clear sign of its coming of age.
First steps. The two-day, Nasdaq-sponsored talks in July did not result in any
concrete plans, but officials say the exploratory gathering represented a first
step toward potential cooperation between the US exchange and Middle Eastern
markets. The meeting, hosted by Frank G. Zarb, Nasdaq's chairman and CEO,
gathered representatives of the bourses in Cairo, Kuwait, Amman, Istanbul,
Dubai, Athens, Palestine, Tel Aviv and elsewhere to discuss their market
practices and strengths. The idea of Nasdaq linkage with the Middle East is one
that seems to particularly appeal to the internationally oriented Zarb, who
began looking into the potential of such a cross-border initiative during a
visit to the region several months earlier.
The purpose of the July meeting 'was for information sharing and to discuss
each market's concerns, needs and visions for the future, both within their
countries and as a player in what is becoming a more global marketplace,' said
Judith Inosanto, a Nasdaq spokeswoman in New York.
Nasdaq's global vision is to provide an opportunity for investors to trade any
stock, at any time, from anywhere in the world. We are committed to making the
goal of a seamless, 24-hour, global market a reality,' she said. 'As with any
business or long-range visions, these things take time. We are looking at the
opportunities that present themselves around the word, assess the stages they
are in, analyze what makes the most sense and determine the best ways to move
forward.'
A Middle Eastern marketplace would not be Nasdaq's first foray abroad. The
NASD, the exchange's parent company, is aggressively pursuing overseas
opportunities, and in June launched Nasdaq Japan together with Internet
investment firm Softbank. The new market, a division of the Osaka Securities
Exchange, is designed as a venue for young Japanese companies to raise capital
by tapping into the US investment community. After its first three months of
operation, the Japanese Nasdaq exchange said it had listed 30 companies,
compared with only 18 companies listed on the comparable 'Mothers' market
operated by the Tokyo stock exchange. For Nasdaq, it sees the benefits of such
a system as helping to boost its volume and providing more trading commissions.
Elsewhere in Asia, Nasdaq is testing a limited, cross-listing arrangement on
the Hong Kong stock exchange, in which local investors can purchase shares of
prominent US firms such as Microsoft, biotechnology leader Amgen and Starbucks,
the Seattle-based gourmet coffee chain. Plans are in the works for Hong Kong
companies that currently only trade on the local exchange to be cross-listed on
the Nasdaq as well.
Elsewhere, Nasdaq has launched a Canadian Nasdaq market that is similar to the
Japanese model. The exchange also has been focused on building up a presence in
Europe. According to published reports throughout the financial media, Nasdaq
is interested in bidding for the London Stock Exchange (LSE) and has had
investment bankers in London exploring the possibility of a deal for months.
The London exchange recently fended off a $1.3 billion hostile takeover over
bid by Sweden's OM Gruppen AB, the operator of the Stockholm stock exchange,
after merger talks between the London and Frankfurt bourses fell apart.
It would not come as a big surprise if Nasdaq and the LSE do ultimately join
forces.
The worldwide trend, analysts note, is for increased merger and acquisition
activity among the world's bourses. Experts say that global exchanges are
finding they need to link together to combat competition from new securities
trading outlets, such as electronic networks. These networks have been able to
gain a foothold in stock trading through technological advancements that have
facilitated fast, electronic trading.
Cross-listing. Given this backdrop, it would make sense that a major global
market such as Nasdaq has some designs on trading in the Middle East. For the
markets of the region, the benefits of some type of a cross-listing alliance
with a larger market could be extraordinary, notes Randall Dodd, the director
of the Derivatives Study Center at the Economic Strategy Institute in
Washington. Dodd, who has studied the issue of cross-border stock market
cooperation, said such a system would allow for common clearing of trades and
reduce systemic risks for foreign investors. All of that would increase
liquidity for stocks in the Middle East – one of the major hurdles standing in
the way of greater foreign participation in the region's exchanges.
Currently, trading in many Middle Eastern stocks is too thin to attract
international investors looking to buy big stakes in local corporations. Dodd
said that increased regional cooperation would improve liquidity, help channel
a larger share of international capital flows to Middle East markets and thus
make local markets more stable.'If it brings more trading volume to, say,
Egypt, that would reduce volatility,' Dodd said, 'because you'd have much more
liquidity in the market.'
One potential negative of such a linkage would be that local technology shares
could be subject to the whims of the often-tumultuous Nasdaq trading cycles.
The exchange had a dismal year in 2000, with its composite index of mostly
technology-related shares sliding sharply from all-time highs set in the spring
amid worries over US interest rate policy, a shakeout in the highflying
Internet sector and slowing earnings growth for some of the bellwether stocks
of the technology sector.
But aside from those limited concerns, some doubt whether a Nasdaq Middle East
would ever come to pass, saying that, except for Israel, the region simply does
not have enough attractive technology offerings to make cross-listing on a
global exchange such as Nasdaq worthwhile. The Israeli exchange dwarfs other
regional bourses, with about double the market capitalization of the Cairo
Stock Exchange, for example. Already, many Israeli hi-tech companies head straight
to Wall Street to make their market debuts, seeking more lucrative initial
public offering deals than they could obtain through listings on the Tel Aviv
exchange.
The situation, however, is much different in the Arab world, where many
technology stocks are recently privatized telecom firms. For now, the
innovation level of Arab technology firms has not been as fast as in Israel.
'There really aren't that many Arab technology stocks,' said Steven Bregman,
the manager of the Middle East Growth Fund, a US mutual fund launched in March
by specialty fund firm Kinetics Asset Management. 'There's maybe one company in
each of these countries that could qualify.'
While Israel would be a natural for a cross-listing arrangement with the Nasdaq
market, any Nasdaq cooperative agreement that tries to span the entire Middle
East with Israel as a central player could run into big political problems –
especially in light of recent turmoil between Israel and the Palestinians.
Already, there is next to no cross-trading between Israel and its Palestinian
neighbors. Nor are there significant cross-listing arrangements with peace
partners Egypt and Jordan. Now, especially, there would likely be some major
political obstacles to getting Arab countries' shares 'co-mingled' with Israeli
stocks, notes Bregman.
In addition, there are also issues of how transparent the region's markets
really are. Experts say problems such as insider trading on some of the
region's exchanges will have to be better controlled if local markets want to
attract foreign investors who have confidence in stepping into local market
activity. Financial disclosure also will need to be improved.
There are technological hurdles, too, that would have to be overcome for Middle
Eastern bourses to link up with a big global market. Do Arab bourses have the
software and clearing systems to be able to process trades quickly enough?
Analysts say that the exchanges have rapidly improved their technology, but
more capital investment would certainly be required.
Bregman and other experts say that what they see as much more likely, at least
in the short term, is some sort of pan-Arab exchange that would cross-list
shares – meaning shares are available for purchase in more than one regional
market – facilitating trading throughout the Middle East and increasing
liquidity of many different types of stocks. All the markets in the region have
been improving their technology, going more electronic with all kinds of market
data available on the Internet, making the logistics of a cross-border
arrangement all the more possible, he said.
Such a system could link the region's bigger financial markets, including Egypt
and Turkey, with a major financial center such as Lebanon, as well as smaller
bourses such as those in Jordan, Oman and Dubai, he said. Already, there are a
number of regional investment partnerships, with expatriate capital being
channeled into Lebanon and other local markets. From there, 'it many not be
such a stretch to cross-listing,' Bregman notes. 'I think this should be a
goal. It should be a long-term target for the region.'
February 25, 2001
JAMES K. GALBRAITH
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
A reputation in economic policy-making is like a financial bubble: It goes up in good times, and crashes hard. When the markets are rising, the chairman of the Federal Reserve can do no wrong. When recession looms, he's a bum.
Alan Greenspan had the good fortune to preside over the longest postwar expansion and to gain a deserved share of the credit, alongside President Clinton. Now he presides over a sudden and frightening slowdown, and alongside President Bush he will take the blame. (Clinton, the lucky man, has escaped.) But does Greenspan deserve the blame? As a matter of fact, he does. Here are three important reasons why.
First, from June 1999 to last May, Greenspan and his colleagues resolutely fought an inflation that did not exist, raising interest rates from 4.75 percent to 6.5 percent to slow economic growth, while reassuring us that any resulting slowdown would be controlled and smooth. The plain fact that there has never been a soft landing did not enter their thinking. Now we know: This will not be the first time.
Second, up until April 15, 2000, the Federal Reserve stood by while tech-sector speculators drove the Nasdaq upward, fueling their purchases with tens of billions of dollars of broker loans. The Fed could have quelled that bubble by raising the collateral required on such loans -- the margin requirement.
They did nothing. The tech sector crashed. Yet even after this watershed event, Greenspan and his colleagues raised interest rates again.
Third, all through 1999 and 2000, as for many years before, Alan Greenspan strongly resisted new government spending initiatives and tax reductions. This left Clinton's administration with no choice but to pile surplus on surplus, making a debt-reduction virtue out of political necessity.
But the fact is, surpluses that are too large depress economic growth; this is a known phenomenon called fiscal drag. There had never been, from 1945 until 2000, two years of surplus with no recession. 2001 won't be a third such year.
Now Greenspan and his colleagues are cutting rates, which is good. But it may be too late. When businesses foresee dark times, not even bargain loans can induce them to produce what they do not believe they can sell. So even much sharper rate reductions may not be enough, once recession fears take hold. The time to cut rates -- or not to raise them -- was a year ago.
Greenspan told the Senate Banking Committee on Feb. 13 that the country was not now in a recession. It should therefore be no surprise if he had reversed himself on tax cuts, because the economy now needs a strong immediate stimulus to incomes and spending. But, in his statement to the Senate Budget Committee on Jan. 26, Greenspan rejected this argument. Instead, he endorsed proposals to cut taxes mainly in the long run and mainly on the wealthy who will not, as a result, increase their spending very much or very soon.
Greenspan's argument for the Bush tax cut did have the force of fresh new reasoning -- something deft, subtle and not thought of before. Taxes must be cut, he said, because otherwise the government will soon have bought back all outstanding federal debt -- bonds, notes and bills. It will then have no alternative but to purchase large sums of private debt: corporate bonds and even stocks. This would be, in effect, socialism -- or so Greenspan professed to fear.
This argument has just one problem,
as Randall Dodd of the Derivatives Study Center points out. It is false. There
are, in fact, trillions more dollars of public debts out there, beyond the $3
trillion owed by the Treasury itself. These include federal government agency
debt, state and local government debt (known as munis) and foreign bonds, of
which the Federal Reserve already holds billions of dollars' worth. Greenspan's
creeping socialism scenario is a fake -- and he knows it.
So, on a purely spurious argument, Greenspan now finds himself favoring just the sort of tax cut we do not need -- a massive capital transfer over time to the wealthy, a program designed two years ago to defuse the presidential candidacy of Steve Forbes -- and for no sound economic reason. Moreover, he favors repeal of the estate tax, which will undermine our great private universities, hospitals and foundations -- a gift to those among the wealthy who oppose philanthropy over those who practice it.
And Greenspan finds himself opposed, for no less spurious reasons, to just the sort of tax cut that we do need: a substantial income transfer immediately to America's working households. A one-time rebate, an expanded earned income tax credit, a temporary cut in the payroll tax or even the re-enactment of general revenue sharing so that states and localities can cut sales and property taxes -- all these things would make good economic policy sense this year. They could be enacted now -- indeed they could be made retroactive as Bush proposes for his income tax cuts. But Greenspan says no -- and by obstructing these measures he makes it very difficult for any one else to propose them.
Greenspan, Bush and the majorities in Congress are bent on replaying the Reagan era. This may fit their faith. It may be good for some of their constituents. But it will not be good for their reputations in the long run -- that much is quite sure.
February 18, 2001
James Galbraith
The Dallas Morning News
A reputation in economic policy-making is like a financial bubble: It goes up in good times, and it crashes hard. When the markets are rising, the chairman of the Federal Reserve can do no wrong. When recession looms, he is a bum.
Alan Greenspan had the good fortune to preside over the longest postwar expansion and to gain a deserved share of the credit, alongside Bill Clinton. Now, he presides over a sudden and frightening slowdown and will take the blame, alongside President Bush. (Mr. Clinton, the lucky man, has escaped.)
But does Mr. Greenspan deserve the blame?
As a matter of fact, he does.
Here are three important reasons.
First, from June 1999 to May 2000, Mr. Greenspan and his colleagues resolutely fought an inflation that didn't exist, raising interest rates from 4.75 percent to 6.5 percent to slow economic growth, while reassuring us that any resulting slowdown would be controlled and smooth. The plain fact that there never has been a soft landing didn't enter their thinking. Now, we know: This won't be the first time.
Second, until April 15, 2000, the Federal Reserve stood by while tech-sector speculators drove the NASDAQ upward, fueling their purchases with tens of billions of dollars of broker loans. The Fed could have quelled that bubble by raising the collateral required on such loans - the margin requirement. It did nothing. The tech sector crashed. Yet even after that watershed event, Mr. Greenspan and his colleagues raised interest rates again.
Third, all through 1999 and 2000, as for many years before, Mr. Greenspan strongly resisted new government spending initiatives and tax reductions. That left the Clinton administration with no choice but to pile surplus on surplus. Surpluses that are too large depress economic growth. There never had been, from 1945 until 2000, two years of surplus with no recession. 2001 won't be a third such year.
Now, Mr. Greenspan and his colleagues are cutting rates, which is good. But it may be too late. When businesses foresee dark times, not even bargain loans can induce them to produce what they don't believe they can sell. So even much sharper rate reductions may not be enough, once recession fears take hold. The time to cut rates - or not to raise them - was a year ago.
In his statement to the Senate Budget Committee last month, Mr. Greenspan endorsed proposals to cut taxes mainly in the long run and mainly on the wealthy. Taxes must be cut, he said, because otherwise the government soon will have bought back all outstanding federal debt - bonds, notes and bills. It then will have no alternative but to purchase large sums of private debt: corporate bonds and even stocks. That would be, in effect, socialism - or so Mr. Greenspan professed to fear.
That argument has just one
problem, as Randall Dodd of the Derivatives Study Center points out. It is
false. There are, in fact, trillions more dollars of public debts out there,
beyond the $3 trillion owed by the Treasury itself. Those include federal
agency debt, state and local government debt and foreign bonds, of which the
Federal Reserve already holds billions of dollars worth. Mr. Greenspan's
creeping socialism scenario is a fake - and he knows it.
So, on a purely spurious argument, Mr. Greenspan now finds himself favoring just the sort of tax cut we don't need - a massive capital transfer over time to the wealthy, a program designed two years ago to defuse the presidential candidacy of Steve Forbes - and for no sound economic reason. Moreover, he favors repeal of the estate tax, which will undermine our great private universities, hospitals and foundations - a gift to those among the wealthy who oppose philanthropy over those who practice it.
And Mr. Greenspan finds himself opposed, for no less spurious reasons, to just the sort of tax cut that we do need: a substantial income transfer immediately to America's working households. A one-time rebate, an expanded earned-income tax credit, a temporary cut in the payroll tax or even the re-enactment of general revenue sharing so that states and localities can cut sales and property taxes - all of those things would make good economic policy sense this year. They could be enacted now. Indeed, they could be made retroactive, as Mr. Bush proposes for his income tax cuts. But Mr. Greenspan says no. And by obstructing those measures, he makes it very difficult for anyone else to propose them.
Mr. Greenspan, Mr. Bush and the majorities in Congress are bent on replaying the Reagan era. That may fit their faith. It may be good for some of their constituents. But it won't be good for their reputations in the long run. That much is quite sure.
James K. Galbraith is a professor at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin.
February 14, 2001
By James K. Galbraith
Newsday.com
A REPUTATION in economic policy-making is like a financial bubble: It goes up in good times, and crashes hard. When the markets are rising, the chairman of the Federal Reserve can do no wrong. When recession looms, he's a bum.
Alan Greenspan had the good fortune to preside over the longest postwar expansion and to gain a deserved share of the credit, alongside President Bill Clinton. Now he presides over a sudden and frightening slowdown, and alongside Presdient George W. Bush he will take the blame. (Clinton, the lucky man, has escaped.) But does Greenspan deserve the blame? As a matter of fact, he does. Here are three important reasons why.
First, from June, 1999, to last May, Greenspan and his colleagues resolutely fought an inflation that did not exist, raising interest rates from 4.75 percent to 6.5 percent to slow economic growth, while reassuring us that any resulting slowdown would be controlled and smooth. The plain fact that there has never been a soft landing did not enter their thinking. Now we know: This will not be the first time.
Second, up until April 15, 2000, the Federal Reserve stood by while tech-sector speculators drove the Nasdaq upward, fueling their purchases with tens of billions of dollars of broker loans. The Fed could have quelled that bubble by raising the collateral required on such loans-the margin requirement.
They did nothing. The tech sector crashed. Yet even after this watershed event, Greenspan and his colleagues raised interest rates again.
Third, all through 1999 and 2000, as for many years before, Alan Greenspan strongly resisted new government spending initiatives and tax reductions. This left Clinton's administration with no choice but to pile surplus on surplus, making a debt-reduction virtue out of political necessity.
But the fact is, surpluses that are too large depress economic growth; this is a known phenomenon called fiscal drag. There had never been, from 1945 until 2000, two years of surplus with no recession. 2001 won't be a third such year.
Now Greenspan and his colleagues are cutting rates, which is good. But it may be too late. When businesses foresee dark times, not even bargain loans can induce them to produce what they do not believe they can sell. So even much sharper rate reductions may not be enough, once recession fears take hold. The time to cut rates-or not to raise them -was a year ago.
[Greenspan told the Senate Banking Committee yesterday that the country was not now in a recession.] It should therefore be no surprise if Greenspan had reversed himself on tax cuts, because the economy now needs a strong immediate stimulus to incomes and spending. But, in his statement to the Senate Budget Committee on Jan. 26, Greenspan rejected this argument. Instead, he endorsed proposals to cut taxes mainly in the long run and mainly on the wealthy who will not, as a result, increase their spending very much or very soon.
Greenspan's argument for the Bush tax cut did have the force of fresh new reasoning-something deft, subtle and not thought of before. Taxes must be cut, he said, because otherwise the government will soon have bought back all outstanding federal debt-bonds, notes and bills. It will then have no alternative but to purchase large sums of private debt: corporate bonds and even stocks. This would be, in effect, socialism-or so Greenspan professed to fear.
This argument has just one problem, as Randall Dodd of the Derivatives Study Center points out. It is false. There are, in fact, trillions more dollars of public debts out there, beyond the 3 trillion owed by the Treasury itself. These include federal government agency debt, state and local government debt (known as munis) and foreign bonds, of which the Federal Reserve already holds billions of dollars worth. Greenspan's creeping socialism scenario is a fake-and he knows it.
So, on a purely spurious argument, Greenspan now finds himself favoring just the sort of tax cut we do not need-a massive capital transfer over time to the wealthy, a program designed two years ago to defuse the presidential candidacy of Steve Forbes-and for no sound economic reason. Moreover, he favors repeal of the estate tax, which will undermine our great private universities, hospitals, and foundations-a gift to those among the wealthy who oppose philanthropy over those who practice it.
And Greenspan finds himself opposed, for no less spurious reasons, to just the sort of tax cut that we do need: a substantial income transfer immediately to America's working households. A one-time rebate, an expanded earned income tax credit, a temporary cut in the payroll tax, or even the re-enactment of general revenue sharing so that states and localities can cut sales and property taxes-all these things would make good economic policy sense this year. They could be enacted now-indeed they could be made retroactive as Bush proposes for his income tax cuts. But Greenspan says no-and by obstructing these measures he makes it very difficult for any one else to propose them.
Greenspan, Bush and the majorities in Congress are bent on replaying the Reagan era. This may fit their faith. It may be good for some of their constituents. But it will not be good for their reputations in the long run-that much is quite sure.
James K. Galbraith is a professor at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas, Austin, and is the author of "Created Unequal."
St Paul Pioneer Press
February 13, 2001
Randall Dodd and Max B. Sawicky
Preventing a recession is like courtship. Timing is everything. The economy will never love a tax cut that gives too little when it yearns for more. Nor will it love one that gives too much when it needs some space.
This is roughly the problem with President Bush's tax policy. It is too small now, when less is not more, and too large later, beyond the horizon of the current economic slow-down.
Since economic growth is flagging, any proposed stimulus should be one that takes effect immediately. The effects of President Bush's proposal, in an effort to hold down costs over the next 10 years, are delayed. The initial impact of his tax cut is about $21 billion, or 0.2 percent of U.S. output -- too little for any meaningful stimulus.
Most of the Bush tax cut benefits the richest Americans. These high-income beneficiaries are likely to bank a good bit of their windfall. But low- and middle-income people need to spend every dollar they get in order to support their living standards.
If half of the first year's tax cut is saved, then the tiny 0.2 percent becomes 0.1 percent. The huge cost of permanent tax cuts could spook the bond markets and their champion, Alan Greenspan. Fears of the long-term effect on the budget could push interest rates up and the economy down.
In his congressional testimony, Greenspan said there should be an option of reducing the size of a tax cut if the surplus turns out to be smaller than expected.
These higher interest rates will raise the cost of short-term debt, variable rate debt and any new borrowing, thereby hurting heavily indebted businesses, new borrowing for investment and interest-sensitive purchases (such as houses and cars). Higher rates also have a strong depressing effect on securities prices, as we have seen in the past year.
Here again, timing makes matters worse. Financial markets will react to the tax cuts and hike interest rates well before the cuts show up in paychecks and tax returns. These negative effects will block the tiny stimulus. No wonder we saw Bush's own nominee for Treasury Secretary, Paul O'Neill, disclaim the notion that Bush's tax cuts could avert an economic downturn.
We have to hope that Greenspan's Fed will further reverse last year's tightening policy with additional decreases in short-term interest rates. With significantly lower intermediate and long-term rates, households, businesses and municipal governments can refinance their debts, clearing the way for more consumption, investment and local government spending.
Besides waiting for Greenspan, the best fiscal policy is a quick kiss on the cheek for consumers. This could be accomplished in a variety of ways, both on the tax and spending sides.
In thinking of suitable tax-cut beneficiaries, we ought to consider those working families who will suffer the most in a downturn. The vast majority of taxpayers owe more in payroll taxes than in income taxes; they should be first in line for tax cuts.
We should be especially wary of recession fears being exploited to provoke an unthinking stampede toward permanent income tax cuts. Permanent cuts that are considered affordable in the long run are likely to be insignificant in the short term.
Conversely, a cut that would be large enough to matter over the next six months would be inordinately large, if it remained in law for an extended period of time.
We will know the new administration is serious about averting a recession when it proposes measures that kick in today and automatically sunset when economic indicators improve; otherwise, it'll just prove love sick.
Dodd teaches in the economics department at American University. Sawicky is a senior economist at the Economic Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. Distributed by KRT News Service.
February 4, 2001
Randall Dodd and Max B.
Sawicky
Charleston Gazette
WASHINGTON - Preventing a recession is like courtship. Timing is everything. The economy will never love a tax cut that gives too little when it yearns for more. Nor will it love one that gives too much when it needs some space. This is roughly the problem with President Bush's tax policy. It is too small now, when less is not more, and too large later, beyond the horizon of the current economic slowdown.
Since economic growth is flagging, any proposed stimulus should be one that takes effect immediately. The effects of President Bush's proposal, in an effort to hold down costs over the next 10 years, are delayed. The initial impact of his tax cut is about $21 billion, or 0.2 percent of U.S. output - too little for any meaningful stimulus.
Most of the Bush tax cut benefits the richest Americans. These high-income beneficiaries are likely to bank a good bit of their windfall. But low- and middle-income people need to spend every dollar they get in order to support their living standards.
If half of the first year's tax cut is saved, then the tiny 0.2 percent becomes 0.1 percent. The huge cost of permanent tax cuts could spook the bond markets and their champion, Alan Greenspan. Fears of the long-term effect on the budget could push interest rates up and the economy down.
In his congressional testimony, Green-span said that there should be an option of reducing the size of a tax cut if the surplus turns out to be smaller than expected.
These higher rates will raise the cost of short-term debt, variable rate debt and any new borrowing, thereby hurting heavily indebted businesses, new borrowing for investment and interest-sensitive purchases (like houses and cars). Higher rates also have a strong depressing effect on securities prices, as we have seen in the past year.
Here again, timing makes matters worse. Financial markets will react to the tax cuts and hike interest rates well before the cuts show up in paychecks and tax returns. These negative effects will block the tiny stimulus. No wonder that we saw Bush's own nominee for Treasury secretary, Paul O'Neill, disclaim the notion that Bush's tax cuts could avert an economic downturn.
We have to hope that Greenspan's Fed will further reverse last year's tightening policy with additional decreases in short-term interest rates. With significantly lower intermediate and long-term rates, households, businesses and municipal governments can refinance their debts, clearing the way for more consumption, investment and local government spending.
Besides waiting for Greenspan, the best fiscal policy is a quick kiss on the cheek for consumers. This could be accomplished in a variety of ways, both on the tax and spending sides.
In thinking of suitable tax-cut beneficiaries, we ought to consider those working families who will suffer the most in a downturn. The vast majority of taxpayers owe more in payroll taxes than in income taxes; they should be first in line for tax cuts.
We should be especially wary of recession fears being exploited to provoke an unthinking stampede toward permanent income tax cuts. Permanent cuts that are considered affordable in the long run are likely to be insignificant in the short term.
Conversely, a cut that would be large enough to matter over the next six months would be inordinately large, if it remained in law for an extended period of time.
We will know the new administration is serious about averting a recession when it proposes measures that kick in today and automatically sunset when economic indicators improve; otherwise, it'll just prove lovesick.
January 04, 2001
By John J. Byczkowski
The Cincinnati Enquirer
The Federal Reserve's sudden interest rate cut Wednesday was a surprise only because it happened between scheduled meetings, economists said.
But it's no surprise given the weakness of the economy, they said:
“They did what they should have done months ago,” said John Lonski, chief economist at Moody's Investors Service in New York.
“I was very disappointed when they didn't act earlier,” said Randall Dodd, an economist at the Economic Strategies Institute in Washington, D.C.
Four weeks before its next scheduled meeting, the Fed shocked financial markets Wednesday by cutting its benchmark federal funds rate — the rate banks charge each other for overnight loans — to 6 percent from 6.5 percent. It also cut its discount rate — a rate the Fed charges commercial banks — by a quarter-point, to 5.75 percent, and said another quarter-point cut could come soon.
“These actions were taken in light of further weakening of sales and production, and in the context of lower consumer confidence, tight conditions in some segments of financial markets, and high energy prices sapping household and business purchasing power,” the Fed said in a statement.
The action came a day after the National Association of Purchasing Management reported the nation's manufacturers hit a wall in December, signaling falling orders, production and employment. That set off a 7 percent drop in the technology-heavy Nasdaq Composite Index and might have moved the Fed to act sooner rather than later.
The NAPM report “showed the economy was knocking on the door of a recession,” economist James Coons of Huntington Bank in Columbus said.
But the Nasdaq's decline might have been the trigger, because it flagged how nervous investors are. At its last meeting Dec. 19, the Fed shifted its stance from fighting inflation to fighting recession but left interest rates alone.
Gregory Hess, an economist at Oberlin College, said that “kind of strange” position was obviously a compromise struck by members of the Fed's policy-making Fed eral Open Market Committee. “Maybe they felt that would be enough to shore up confidence in the markets.”
It apparently was not. Businesses were already having difficulty raising money in the bond market, and banks nationwide have tightened lending standards as corporate profits fell. The Nasdaq's decline Tuesday showed that investors were also abandoning stocks in favor of treasuries, compounding businesses' capital woes.
“Investors had become so risk-averse, that the efficient functioning of the financial system was at peril,” Moody's Mr. Lonski said. He said he thinks the Fed is particularly concerned about banks' unwillingness to lend to manufacturers — a point brought home last week when Cleveland-based steel maker LTV filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy reorganization. “That's got to be disturbing to the Fed,” he said.
With these conditions, “the Fed needs to send a pretty strong signal,” Mr. Hess said. In making the move Wednesday, “they tried to put an exclamation point on this one.”
The rate cuts will help consumers. Banks nationwide began cutting their prime lending rates to 9 percent from 9.5 percent, including Fifth Third Bancorp of Cincinnati.
Will Daly, chief marketing offi cer at Fifth Third, said lower rates could mean lower borrowing costs on interest-rate sensitive financial products. That could mean everything from credit cards, home equity loans and money market accounts to adjustable-rate mortgages and certificates of deposit.
But Huntington's Mr. Coons said the rate reduction is unlikely to change the overall economic picture: Unemployment is likely to rise some, and many companies will continue to see profits fall.
“The net effect is still negative, but this cushions the blow,” he said.
Enquirer reporter Jeff McKinney contributed to this article.
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